The Danger of Conspiracy Theories

QAnon emerged in October 2017 from cryptic internet postings purported to originate from a high-level US official. Drawing on almost all previous conspiracy theories, it asserts that Donald Trump is engaged in a secret war with a Satanic pedophile cabal, involving large parts of the liberal Democratic establishment and Hollywood. Soon, according to QAnon believers, “The Storm” is coming: Trump will arrest thousands of cabal members and intern them at Guantanamo Bay, while the US military will stage a coup. To a new generation of “influencers” on platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, unregulated and unverified purveyors of marketing and information, it became clear that conspiracy theories make money. Politicians, too, are feeding off the myth. According to the Economist, some 72 QAnon sympathizers have sought nominations for the Republican Party in elections in 2020. Arendt observes: they share in the ideologies of both Nazi Germany and the USSR – to promote irrationalism.1

Hannah Arendt writes of entire populations who “had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything was possible and that nothing was true.” She describes the masses’ escape from reality as ‘a verdict against the world in which they are forced to live and in which they cannot exist.’ She points out that in societies riddled with elite hypocrisy, ‘it seemed revolutionary to admit cruelty, disregard of human values, and general amorality, because this at least destroyed the duplicity upon which the existing society seemed to rest.’ Toward the end of her book, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt maintained that what makes a society vulnerable to takeover by authoritarians and totalitarians is loneliness. She defined loneliness as “the experience of not belonging to the world at all, which is among the most radical and desperate experiences of man (sic).”2

The basic experience underlying totalitarianism, the experience that continues today to make it likely that totalitarianism remains a constant concern, is loneliness, an alienation from political, social, and cultural life. “The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.” Arendt believed that totalitarian rulers crave complete control and use propaganda and rewriting of history to instill fear and loyalty in citizens. When you live in post truth society, you can’t do anything because if there is no truth there can be no coordination and therefore no action. Project 2025 is a plan to shatter democracy’s guardrails, giving presidents almost unlimited power to implement policies that will hurt everyday Americans and strip them of fundamental rights.

What prepares men for totalitarian domination in the non-totalitarian world is the fact that loneliness, once a borderline experience usually suffered in certain marginal social conditions like old age, has become an everyday experience of the ever-growing masses of our century. The most prevalent cause for loneliness is feeling disconnected. Many young adults spoke about being lonely because they felt unable to express themselves, their feelings or talk about their issues. They also talked about being lonely due to feeling they did not matter to others and were not understood. Challenges pertaining to social media and materialism in contemporary culture contribute to loneliness as does pressure associated with work, fitting in and social comparison. Social media play a major role in exacerbating these experiences. Cognitive discrepancy theory suggests that loneliness is a subjective, unpleasant, and distressing phenomenon stemming from a discrepancy between individuals’ desired and achieved levels of social relations.

With President Trump’s political rise in 2016, a movement emerged, entwined with Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) branding. Today’s GOP is the totalitarian force it claims to oppose. The right’s intrusion into private life is exactly the characteristic of modern authoritarianism decried by 20th-century conservatives. The militant blurring of the private and public spheres is a signal characteristic of totalitarianism, as mid-century political thinkers understood it. Whatever else the Trumpian right may be, it is not at all squeamish about the politicization of private life. There’s a heightened sense on the American right that culture is the fulcrum of society and politics – “that you have to intensify the culture wars.” Trump’s own ongoing assault on the electoral structure of democracy is itself a brand of culture warfare, with sinister election workers and voting-machine makers undermining the rightful pride of place accorded to white nationalist rule in the American system.3

Arendt argues that power is communication not coercion and control: power radically differs from control, domination or violence in that it cannot be exercised over someone; it can only be exercised with others through communication and cooperation. You can’t launch a coordination from the top if you’ve got all these distracting little people exercising their thinking and voting, running around talking about pluralism.” Big money has always spoken loudly in American politics. The power elite control what you think through proxies who control information and communication, and through their lobbyists who influence what most of your politicians believe. In November 2024, America rebelled against political elites by again electing a self-proclaimed champion of the people, Donald Trump. Six months into a second mandate, it is now out in the open this government is more deeply in the pockets of lobbyists and billionaires than ever before.

Beyond appealing to the past, power also relies for its continued legitimacy on the rationally binding commitments that arise out of a process of free and undistorted communication. Because of this, power is highly independent of material factors: it is sustained not by economic, bureaucratic or military means, but by the power of common convictions that result from a process of fair and unconstrained deliberation. Power is also not something that can be relied upon at all times or accumulated and stored for future use. Rather, it exists only as a potential which is actualized when actors gather together for political action and public deliberation. It is thus closely connected to the space of appearance, that public space which arises out of the actions and speeches of individuals. Indeed, for Arendt, “power is what keeps the public realm, the potential space of appearance between acting and speaking men, in existence.”4

We do need the narratives, but the real danger is we need them even if they are not real. Applebaum gives the example of people who fall for QAnon conspiracies and their prophet Q because of their desperate need to be part of an ongoing story. They can now belong to a community in which their views are accepted and reinforced, but, even more importantly, they “have access to special and secret information that most Americans don’t have. So you’re a community that has special knowledge. You’ve been gifted with this special access to a different reality.” Authoritarians would have you think that they can do certain things better than their counterparts who have to deal with checks, balances, and public opinion. Authoritarian leaders share conspiracy theories to attack opponents, galvanize followers, shift blame, and undermine democratic institutions. Remember MAGA media’s conspiracy theories put Trump in power.

Epstein’s arrest and death became a central focus for QAnon followers, who saw them as proof of a hidden global elite engaged in child trafficking and protected by powerful institutions. The release – or withholding – of the Epstein files is often cited within QAnon movement circles as evidence of a broader cover-up by the so-called “deep state.” Over time, what started as a baseless conspiracy on obscure platforms has migrated into the mainstream. It has influenced rhetoric and policy debates, and even reshaped the American political landscape. The foundational belief of many of the QAnon followers is that Trump is a heroic figure fighting the elite pedophile ring. Die-hard members of Trump’s MAGA movement have long believed officials are hiding key truths about Epstein’s life and death. Trump is now on the defensive, struggling to close down speculation about deceptive or disproven conspiracy theories he once promoted, leading to speculation of what is actually in the Epstein files.

There has been a surge of media attention on the “loneliness plague” which the Information Age has wrought. The collapse of community perhaps explains the meteoric rise of “social” media. A recent study revealed that people who spent more time on social media were more likely to experience feelings of loneliness, especially if their motive for being on social media was to maintain contact with friends and family. The problem, of course, is that social media seems to be doing more to divide people than unite them – or in Arendt’s words, isolate humans “against each other.” In addition, loneliness may motivate people to adopt conspiracy beliefs in an attempt to gain community and a sense of social identity. Volunteering is a way out of the loneliness epidemic. Volunteering often provides a new perspective on the world. It can introduce us to new ideas, communities, and ways to be grateful for what we already have.

By increasing competition and by reducing people’s sense of connection to others, neoliberalism can increase loneliness and compromise our well-being. The exposure to neoliberal ideology increased loneliness and decreased well-being by reducing people’s sense of connection to others and by increasing perceptions of being in competition with others. Loneliness is feeding authoritarianism. To defend democracy and decency, we must build belonging. Authoritarianism is defeated by offering people a social contract that works again, so they don’t have to flee into the arms of strongmen for a sense of safety and security when societies are collapsing around them. Liberals throughout history have made this mistake again and again. In Nazi Germany, liberals didn’t offer people anything much – it was the Nazis, in fact, who promised them the world. The same was true in Soviet Russia. And unfortunately, it is happening again in America today.

1  https://www.newstatesman.com/world/2020/09/the-qanon-conspiracy-theory-is-absurd-but-dangerous-politicians-must-confront-it

2  https://www.womensordination.org/blog/2022/06/07/loneliness-and-authoritarianism/

3  https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/republican-totalitarianism/

4  https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arendt/#ActiPowe

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Understanding Trump’s Use of Gaslighting

Gaslighting behavior has always been present in history, to a degree. It is par for the course whenever a person or entity wants to exert as much control as possible over others. By some accounts, politicians’ lying is a rational response to the expectation that other candidates will engage in deceptive behavior. A gaslighter’s statements and accusations are often based on deliberate falsehoods and calculated marginalization. Davis and Ferrantino theorize that lying is incentivized by the lack of transferrable property rights to political office – it’s easier and faster to return a faulty used car than a faulty politician. Everything Nietzsche calls lies are ways of making something seem real which is not – including the negative case of not wanting to see something. Rather than worry about the fact that everyone lies, we should concern ourselves with the reasons why politicians lie.

One might say that dishonesty in politics is a long-standing tradition – politicians with a greater willingness to lie have a better chance of being re-elected. Plato proposed a justification for politicians’ lying in The Republic: “Then if anyone at all is to have the privilege of lying, the rulers of the State should be the persons; and they, in their dealings either with enemies or with their own citizens, may be allowed to lie for the public good.” As a detractor of democracy, he likely cared little whether the public would be able to detect such deception. While such a “royal lie” would be beneficial to philosopher kings, for actual politicians, the “public good” casts a wide net. Many politicians have clearly benefitted from telling voters what they want to hear or what they want to believe, and history is filled with examples of politicians lying to cover up crime and corruption.1

What happens when a lie hits your brain? The now-standard model was first proposed by Harvard University psychologist Daniel Gilbert more than 20 years ago. Gilbert argues that people see the world in two steps. First, even just briefly, we hold the lie as true: We must accept something in order to understand it. For instance, if someone were to tell us – hypothetically, of course – that there had been serious voter fraud in Georgia during the presidential election, we must for a fraction of a second accept that fraud did, in fact, take place. Only then do we take the second step, either completing the mental certification process (yes, fraud!) or rejecting it (what? no way). Unfortunately, while the first step is a natural part of thinking – it happens automatically and effortlessly – the second step can be easily disrupted. It takes work: We must actively choose to accept or reject each statement we hear.

In certain circumstances, that verification of a lie simply fails to take place. As Gilbert writes, human minds, “when faced with shortages of time, energy, or conclusive evidence, may fail to unaccept the ideas that they involuntarily accept during comprehension.” The narcissist gradually wears down your self-awareness and self-trust, leaving you vulnerable to their manipulations. The most common signs of cognitive dissonance include: Doubting your own memory or recollection of events, conversations, and experiences; second-guessing decisions and choices. Pathological liars can’t stop lying even when it causes psychological distress, puts them in danger, and creates problems with relationships, work, or other aspects of daily life. Those who have followed Trump’s career say his lying isn’t just a tactic, but an ingrained habit. Donald Trump has been a pathological liar all his life, and now he is finally facing some accountability via the court system.2

Cognitive-dissonance is just one of many biases that work in our everyday lives. We don’t like to believe that we may be wrong, so we may limit our intake of new information or thinking about things in ways that don’t fit within our pre-existing beliefs. Psychologists call this “confirmation bias.” People may run into problems with cognitive dissonance because it can be, in its most basic form, a sort of lie to oneself. As with all lies, it depends on the size of the lie and whether it’s more likely to hurt you in some way in the long run. We tell “little white lies” everyday in our social lives (“Oh yes, that’s a great color on you!”) that bring little harm to either side and help smooth over otherwise awkward situations. So, while cognitive dissonance resolves the internal anxiety we face over two opposing beliefs or behaviors, it may also inadvertently reinforce future bad decisions.

Lying can significantly increase the chances of creating false memories as the most persuasive lies often combine elements of both truth and falsehoods. For instance, a criminal offender may provide a false alibi for an event by including elements of a true experience that did not occur during the time in question. As a result, while the event itself may have happened, it did not take place during the time the crime was committed. This combining and later remembering of details about both the true and false versions of events requires considerable cognitive effort on the part of the liar but is necessary to maintain the deception. To decrease this cognitive load, the brain subconsciously starts to think of the fabricated information as the truth, eliminating the need for the liar to keep track of conflicting storylines (Otgaar & Baker, 2018). Thus, the creation of false memories is demonstrated as a subconscious process that decreases the cognitive load typically associated with telling a lie.3

Of course, many of Trump’s lies are conventional lies similar to those that politicians often tell to look good or avoid blame. But the number of these types of lies by Trump vastly exceed the number of lies by previous presidents. Our brains are particularly ill-equipped to deal with lies when they come not singly but in a constant stream, and Trump, we know, lies constantly, about matters as serious as the election results and as trivial as the tiles at Mar-a-Lago. When we are overwhelmed with false, or potentially false, statements, our brains pretty quickly become so overworked that we stop trying to sift through everything. It’s called cognitive load – our limited cognitive resources are overburdened. It doesn’t matter how implausible the statements are; throw out enough of them, and people will inevitably absorb some. Eventually, without quite realizing it, our brains just give up trying to figure out what is true. These efforts are key response to a culture of lying in elections.

Thus, if Trump has a particular untruth he wants to propagate – not just an undifferentiated barrage – he simply states it, over and over. As it turns out, sheer repetition of the same lie can eventually mark it as true in many of our heads. It’s an effect known as illusory truth, first discovered in the ’70s and most recently demonstrated with the rise of fake news. In its original demonstration, a group of psychologists had people rate statements as true or false on three different occasions over a two-week period. Some of the statements appeared only once, while others were repeated. The repeated statements were far more likely to be judged as true the second and third time they appeared – regardless of their actual validity. Keep repeating that there was serious voter fraud, and the idea begins to seep into people’s heads. Thus, Trump’s lies corrode democracy.

People lie to have control over you. People lie to manipulate you. People lie because they are afraid they’re desires will not be met. In 2018 Bernie Saunders called Donald Trump a “pathological liar” who “works night and day on behalf of his fellow billionaires”. Trump is a successful liar because he refuses to remember. When Trump is facing a potentially very bad news cycle his move is to: distract, divert, repeat – to move the problem out of the public eye. Lies can be used to get others to form false beliefs and garner their support. It is well known that false information can influence people’s thinking even after they come to realize the information is false. Narcissism is often intertwined with a distorted sense of reality and a reliance on false beliefs. Research suggests that narcissism is linked to a greater belief in conspiracy theories. The cure for the present epidemic of narcissism is for us to stop lying to ourselves about what we think we know.

Trump won the nomination as the candidate who lied the most, won the presidency as someone known to lie; has an unshakable base despite ongoing lies. Cognitive biases reflect mental patterns that can lead people to form beliefs or make decisions that do not reflect an objective and thorough assessment of the facts. For instance, people tend to seek out information that confirms pre-existing beliefs and reject information that challenges those beliefs. This bias is the tendency in all of us to believe stories that reinforce our convictions – and the stronger the convictions, the more powerfully the person feels the pull of the confirmation bias. The problem is exacerbated by voters’ strong incentive to be “rationally ignorant” of politics. Widespread voter ignorance also incentivizes another common type of political deception: lying about the nature of your policies in order to overstate benefits and conceal possible downsides. An ignorant electorate cannot achieve true democratic control over public policy.

Truth, much like knowledge, is bound to power and similarly operates amidst the individuals and institutions that generate and sustain it. The economic elite do not hesitate to present their ideology as interpretation of truth. The “truth” the market reveals is never in actuality some eternal, given fact. The market is never a neutral arbiter of truth, so the “truth” it reveals about government practice has always required interpretation. Nietzsche believed, one should be conscious of the illusory nature of what is considered truth, thus opening up the possibility of the creation of new values. It is necessary to create the social environment or milieu to support good governance to control cognitive dissonance and the consequent balancing of perception that leads to misperception. The truth is that capitalism creates enormous wealth, but it concentrates into oligopolies and monopolies, to the extent the economic elite creates and normalizes a culture of lying to itself leading to its inherent instability.

Fox News tells viewers they are the only reliable source of political information – re-enforcing the alt-right propaganda in social media. This opens the door to gaslighting – a form of psychological manipulation that seeks to sow seeds of doubt in a targeted individual or in members of a targeted group, making them question their own memory, perception, and sanity.  In post-truth politics social media assists political actors who mobilize voters through a crude blend of outlandish conspiracy theories and suggestive half-truths, barely concealed hate-speech, as well as outright lies. Autocrats want you to thinks everyone is lying. Consider Trump’s statement: “What you’re seeing and what you’re reading is not happening.” It makes victims question their reality, becoming even more dependent on the gaslighter as the only source of true information.

Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) claimed there are no facts only interpretations. In his view there was no objective fact about what has value in itself – culture consisted of beliefs developed to perpetuate a particular power structure. The system, if followed by the majority of the people, supports the interests of the dominant class. Basically, the status of Trump’s lies determined the outcome of the 2024 election in America. To respond to this culture of lying: The tech platforms must get more aggressive about policing content; put in place robust cybersecurity and infrastructure security arm; maintain a central authority to report false and misleading information; a system to manage “rumour control” during election day to address questions on conspiracy theories circulating in the community; resources to combat false information on line (review the effect of layoffs in tech industry); counter the ongoing weaponized criticism of research on misinformation (i.e. Jim Jordan’s efforts).4

“Liberty” is the usual principle behind democracy, observes Aristotle, and what is typically meant by this is that people take turns being the ruler and being the ruled. The majority makes the decisions, and people are generally left alone to live as they please. Why do we lie? Lying allows a person to establish perceived control over a situation by manipulating it. It’s a defence mechanism that (seemingly) prevents them from being vulnerable, that is, to not open up and reveal their true self to another person. Trump adopts psychological warfare, the planned use of propaganda, threats, and other non-combat techniques to influence the opinions, emotions, attitudes, and behavior of any percieved enemy or other target group 5.  Truth is at the heart of liberal democracy. No amount of gaslighting should divert us from that. Liberal democracy helps in the improvement of the standard of decision-making for the sake of its people.

1  https://www.afscme.org/blog/more-white-house-gaslighting-about-project-2025-we-wont-be-fooled

2 https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/01/donald-trump-lies-liar-effect-brain-214658/

3 https://www.psychologyinaction.org/lying-can-reconstruct-memory-how-we-come-to-believe-our-own-lies/

4 https://www.npr.org/2023/11/10/1211929764/election-false-claims-social-media-cisa-trump

 5 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8378529/

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A Call for Change, Alfred, Lord Tennyson (1809-1892)

Alfred Tennyson, 1st Baron Tennyson FRS was an English poet. He was the Poet Laureate during much of Queen Victoria’s reign. Lord Tennyson became the Poet Laureate in 1850, succeeding William Wordsworth after his death and after Samuel Rogers declined the position. He held the position until his death in 1892, the longest tenure of any laureate. Why is Tennyson called Lord? In 1883 Tennyson reluctantly accepted a barony offered by Prime Minister William Gladstone, and he assumed the title lord. He was the first English writer to win so high a title for his work alone. He became the most famous poet of the Victorian era, renowned for his dramatically powerful subjects and highly-wrought melodious style. Among his most celebrated works are ‘The Lady of Shalott’ (1842), ‘Ulysses’ (1842), In Memoriam A.H.H.

In 1850, with the publication of In Memoriam, Tennyson became one of Britain’s most popular poets. Tennyson wrote “In Memoriam” after he learned that his beloved friend Arthur Henry Hallam had died suddenly and unexpectedly. Hallam and Tennyson met at Cambridge in 1829. They both were members of the exclusive Cambridge Apostles, a debating society whose members over the years have included the major figures of Britain’s nineteenth and twentieth century history. After learning of Hallam’s sudden death in 1833, at the age of twenty-two years, Tennyson was overwhelmed with doubts about the meaning of life and the significance of man’s existence. He composed the short poems that comprise “In Memoriam” over the course of seventeen years (1833-1849) with no intention of weaving them together, though he ultimately published them as a single lengthy poem in 1850.

In Memoriam (Ring Out, Wild Bells) is said to have been inspired by the ‘wild bells’ of Waltham Abbey in Essex, United Kingdom. Lord Tennyson, staying in the vicinity, threw open his window on New Year’s Eve to hear the peal bells ringing out the old year and ringing in the new. For the next 17 years, Lord Tennyson composed and edited a sprawling elegy to his dear friend. In this elegy for his sister’s fiancé, who died of cerebral haemorrhage in Vienna, Tennyson wrote the line, “’Tis better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all.” Ring Out, Loud Bells was published anonymously in 1850 forms part of “In Memoriam A.H.H.” It is an active invocation to purge societal ills – greed, strife, and the feuds that divide humanity. The ringing bells become a clarion call for purity, truth, and a collective love of goodness that Tennyson yearns to see flourish in the hearts of mankind.

‘Ring Out, Wild Bells’, uses the imagery of bells ringing out the old year and ringing in the new as a metaphor for letting go of grief and negative aspects of life while embracing hope and positive change. It depicts the poet overcoming his grief and regaining his optimism to the sounds of the church bells, ringing in the new year. As such it has come to symbolize hope for the future. There is a call for Truth in this poem – a doing away once and for all with falsehood and embracing the dignity and purity of truth. The phrase, “ring out the old, ring in the new”, and twists it in order to “ring out” all the negative he sees in the world and “ring in” more positive things. It is about the new year and all the ways the world could change for the better.

In Memoriam [Ring out, Wild Bells]

Ring out, wild bells, to the wild sky,
   The flying cloud, the frosty light:
   The year is dying in the night;
Ring out, wild bells, and let him die.

Ring out the old, ring in the new,
   Ring, happy bells, across the snow:
   The year is going, let him go;
Ring out the false, ring in the true.

Ring out the grief that saps the mind
   For those that here we see no more;
   Ring out the feud of rich and poor,
Ring in redress to all mankind.

Ring out a slowly dying cause,
   And ancient forms of party strife;
   Ring in the nobler modes of life,
With sweeter manners, purer laws.

Ring out the want, the care, the sin,
   The faithless coldness of the times;
   Ring out, ring out my mournful rhymes
But ring the fuller minstrel in.

Ring out false pride in place and blood,
   The civic slander and the spite;
   Ring in the love of truth and right,
Ring in the common love of good.

Ring out old shapes of foul disease;
   Ring out the narrowing lust of gold;
   Ring out the thousand wars of old,
Ring in the thousand years of peace.

Ring in the valiant man and free,
   The larger heart, the kindlier hand;
   Ring out the darkness of the land,
Ring in the Christ that is to be.

At its core, “Ring Out, Wild Bells” is an energetic cry for human beings to dispense with destructive ideologies and beliefs that lead to destructive actions across the board, as pertains to the human experience. The poem is a discourse on new beginnings – a fresh start for mankind as a whole, and individuals in particular. A spiritual renewal must first take place within the mind of human beings.  Only then can other types of renewal take place, including the physical renewal of the earth from the destructive effects of war and other harmful events. Tennyson calls for an end to grief for those who have died. They are at rest; we who remain must move on and live. He also calls for an end to class strife, desiring rich and poor (and all classes in between) to live in harmony with one another.

The renewal that Tennyson calls for is one where the old order and way of thinking and doing things is banished for good. The poet desires an end to political strife. He wants the proper rule of law, in tandem with good manners – people treating others with respect as they all work for the common good in society. Tennyson also desires a renewal in health, both physically and in the inner man. He speaks of mankind ringing out the “old shapes of foul disease” as well as ringing out greed. The renewal he talks about will rejuvenate man, society and the earth. In the end, Tennyson knows all of the above listed here is a tall order for human beings to accomplish. Therefore, he calls on the One whom he believes will accomplish complete Renewal for mankind: Ring in the Christ that is to be.

In summary, the ringing of the wild bells represents a call for change and a call to leave behind the grief, the feud, and the want that has sapped our minds and held us back. In addition, we are called to leave behind old shapes of foul disease, the narrowing lust for gold, and the thousand wars of old and, instead, ring in the thousand years of peace. As representatives of humanity, we must work toward a better world, a world of love and kindness, a world where the valiant and free can thrive and where the darkness is replaced by the Christ that is to be. However, 19th-century Evangelicalism required belief in literal interpretations of The Holy Bible against the theory of human evolution; thus, in Canto CXXIX, Tennyson alludes to “the truths that never can be proved” – the Victorian belief that reason and intellect would reconcile science with religion.1

Trump’s election has become a dark night for America’s soul as he turns the United States into an authoritarian regime. The key to taking effective action in a Trump world is to avoid perpetuating the autocrat’s goals of fear, isolation, exhaustion and disorientation.2 It’s an ugly, disordered world of raw power, brute force, selfish arrogance, dodgy deals and brazen lies. Trump’s minions attack or subvert the agencies of government, the judiciary and free press, terrorizing and intimidating those whose loyalty they impugn. Trump’s big beautiful bill, the tax and spending bill, will provide tax breaks for the wealthy and reduce social services for the middle class, while significantly increasing the national debt. It is a gift to the billionaire class while causing massive pain for working families – increasing income inequality in America. The response: Nonviolent civil resistance is far more successful increasing broad-based change than violent campaigns are.

Project 2025 calls for establishing a government that would be imbued with “biblical principles” and run by a president who holds sweeping executive powers.  The MAGA ideology neofascist movement, which, like all movements within the fascist genus, is rooted in a tenuous alliance between sections of the monopoly-capitalist ruling class at the top of society and a mobilized army of lower-middle class adherents far below. The latter see as their chief enemies, not the upper echelons of the capitalist class, but the upper-middle class professionals immediately above them and the working class below. The plan is authoritarian and Christian nationalist and threatens separation of powers (as created by the U.S. Constitution), separation of church and state (created by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights) and civil liberties.3 The main goal of Project 2025 is to destroy the system of checks and balances and create a system that would strip the ordinary citizen of their fundamental rights while supporting the grift of the wealthy.

The Serenity Prayer is used as a source of strength and guidance when facing difficult circumstances: “God, grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can and the wisdom to know the difference.” Notably, that prayer is attributed to theologian Reinhold Niebuhr as he was watching the rise of Nazis in Germany.  We need to grieve over all the things that have been lost under Trump’s watch. In this manner we can find hope. The world can be and often is a dark and harsh place, one where sorrow and loss are often compounded again and again, where we seem to lose no matter what we do. As the now Internet famous quote goes, “It is possible to commit no mistakes and still lose. That is not a weakness. That is life.”4 By integrating the Serenity Prayer into daily life, we not only enhance our ability to deal with personal and professional challenges but also cultivate a more peaceful and purposeful existence.

Tennyson insisted that we hold fast to our faith in a higher power in spite of our inability to prove God’s existence: “Believing where we cannot prove.” He reflects early evolutionary theories in his faith that man, through a process lasting millions of years, is developing into something greater. In the end, Tennyson replaces the doctrine of the immortality of the soul with the immortality of mankind through evolution, thereby achieving a synthesis between his profound religious faith and the new scientific ideas of his day. Today, citizens need to assemble in the street to protest the dark messages from authoritarian governance. Remember Occupy Wall Street put inequality on the political agenda.5 The ‘No Kings’ protests were a nod against authoritarian governance, the roots of the protests stemming from President Trump’s immigration crackdowns. Tennyson didn’t explicitly champion radical social change, his works highlighted the limitations imposed by societal structures and the human cost of inequality. 

1  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/In_Memoriam_A.H.H.

2  https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/mar/03/donald-trump-world-leaders-democracy

3  https://questioningandskepticism.com/connecting-project-2025-and-scopes-monkey-trial/

4  https://wagingnonviolence.org/2024/11/10-things-to-do-if-trump-wins/

5  https://questioningandskepticism.com/occupy-wall-street-success/

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Response to the Failure of Trickle-Down Economics

Tax cuts for the wealthy tend to widen the gap between the rich and the poor, as the wealthy benefit disproportionately from tax cuts while lower-income earners may not experience any significant changes in their financial situation. Thomas Sowell disagrees with the characterization of supply-side economics as trickle-down, saying that the economic theory of reducing marginal tax rates works in precisely the opposite direction: “Workers are always paid first and then profits flow upward later – if at all. In a 2020 research paper, economists David Hope and Julian Limberg analyzed data spanning 50 years from 18 countries, and found that tax cuts for the rich increased inequality in the short and medium term, and had no significant effect on real GDP per capita or employment in the short and medium term. According to the study, this shows that the tax cuts for the upper class did not trickle down to the broader economy.1

The term “trickle down economics” was actually coined by social commentator Will Rogers several decades earlier to mock to President Hoover’s policies during the Great Depression. The term became more widely associated with the economic policies of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, which were often referred to as “trickle-down economics” or “supply-side economics – during rise of reaganomics. One of the commonly invoked elements of trickle-down economics is tax benefits for corporations and high net worth individuals, who are expected to invest the money that they save from taxes in entrepreneurial activities, which are, in turn, expected to boost production and create jobs. The theory of “trickle down” of wealth to the poor is often invoked to support the government’s neoliberal policies. In reality, such policies as tax cuts and other financial incentives for the private sector have not been successful in bridging economic inequalities.

The Trump administration’s primary economic policy was the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, which significantly reduced corporate and individual income taxes. Critics argue that this was a classic example of trickle-down economics, as the majority of tax cuts went to high-income earners and corporations. The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was passed with grandiose promises that it would bring broad prosperity through trickle-down economics, but it delivered nothing of the sort. With the wealthiest 10 percent owning over 90 percent of all stocks, there is simply no credible argument that this tax cut did anything to actually help the vast majority of Americans economically. Beware – republicans are preparing to enact substantial reductions to Medicare benefits, to add restrictions on Medicaid eligibility, eliminate healthcare subsidies that help working families afford coverage, and cut food assistance programs that serve as vital lifelines for struggling Americans.2

The trickle-down economic theory was rebranded in the 1970s to an ideology – supply side economics – the doctrine that tax cuts could be had for free (incentive effects would generate new activity hence more revenue) without causing budget deficits. Its creators never believed supply side economics worked – it was an ideology that was created to unite the right. However, anyone who challenges that this thinking contributes greatly to economic inequality is declared a dangerous heretic, and a threat to freedom and prosperity of the free market system. The most dangerous impact of neoliberalism is not the economic crises it has caused, but the political crisis. As the domain of the state is reduced, our ability to change the course of our lives through voting also contracts. Apologists explain away the failure of neoliberalism by the existence of a vast left-wing conspiracy.

Thus, ‘elimination’ of poverty became ‘reduction’ of poverty and, over the last few years the concept of extreme poverty appeared, associated with hunger. These, it was declared, must gradually be eliminated, while poverty must be mitigated. The economic elite use social media to create confusion and advance a neoliberal agenda. We are indebted to Donald Trump for bursting the informational neoliberal bubble. Trump has focused us on the real issue of the day – increasing economic inequality. He is teaching us all about the power of dissemination of (mis)information. Trump and his surrogates have signaled that they intend to counter the media’s version of truth with their own alternative facts, the “truth” from their perspective. The purpose of neoliberal dogma is to protect the rich from the poor. Trump’s election unmasked that the real game – cutting taxes on businesses and the wealthy, then use the resulting deficits as a pretext to cut social programs that benefit the poor and the middle class.

Today younger people will have poorer health as adults, which will affect their economic status as they will earn lower wages as an adult, and this in turn, will affect the next generation of children who will thus be born into a poorer family. The link from family household income and poorer social and health outcomes is well documented – the growing income inequality in Canada and the US associated with globalization poses a significant threat to the health of many. The economic and social conditions under which people live, rather than the biomedical risk conditions and lifestyles choices are the factors determining whether one develops chronic conditions like cardiovascular disease, which develop primarily from material deprivation (of poverty), excessive psychological stress and the adoption of unhealthy coping behaviors. The top-down system of trickle-down economics ensures the next generation in the workplace can not only expect to earn less than their parents, but are on track to enjoy poorer health.3

Together with the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts enacted under President Bush (most of which were made permanent in 2012), the 2017 Trump tax law has severely eroded the US revenue base. Revenue as a share of GDP has fallen from about 19.5% in the years immediately preceding the Bush tax cuts to just 16.3% in the years immediately following the Trump tax cuts, with revenues expected to rise to an annual average of 16.9 percent of GDP in 2018-2026 (excluding pandemic years), according to CBO. This is simply not enough revenue given the nation’s investment needs and existing commitments to Social Security and health coverage. Administration officials claimed their centerpiece corporate tax rate cut would “very conservatively” lead to a $4,000 boost in household income. New research shows that workers who earned less than about $114,000 on average in 2016 saw “no change in earnings” from the corporate tax rate cut, while top executive salaries increased sharply.4

Trump was re-elected in 2024 with the promises to cut your taxes, end inflation, slash your prices, raise your wages, and bring thousands of factories back to America. In first 100 days he has turned to Project 2025, a product of the Heritage Foundation, one of Washington’s most prominent right-wing think tanks. The 900 page document sets out four main policy aims: restore the family as the centrepiece of American life; dismantle the administrative state; defend the nation’s sovereignty and borders; and secure God-given individual rights to live freely. The dismantling of government agencies can be traced back to the document. In the back ground MAGA folks need significant cuts to social programs in order to extend the 2017 tax cuts to the oligarchs. These plans raise red flags that the government efficiency cuts are a ruse to secure funds to support tax cuts for the wealthy.

As Trump surpassed 100 days in office, a period filled with slashing and burning of the federal government and democratic norms, many are becoming angry. The 90%  now have a good reason to be angry. However, recognize anger is power. It’s red. It’s heat. Anger is movement and sound. Anger is a force for change, a force of strength. Since Reagan years, the social contract has always been broken. Governments have largely failed to uphold their end of the social contract: to guarantee safety, offer protection, uphold rights, fight inequality and act in the best interest of all people. There is a need to channel this anger for positive change. Instead of being a destructive state, anger can be a potent force of nature that can move us forward and fuel optimism, problem-solving, and creative brainstorming. In other words, if we want to make a change, we can tap the powerful motivational push that anger can provide.

As a consequence of globalization, the business class is no longer under pressure to accommodate citizens (workers). The government default position is that international competition is at stake – increasingly lower taxes, less support for labour and deregulation – creating socio-economic status related inequalities at the same time as budget cuts erode social assets and population capacities that might have buffered the effects of the health inequalities.  We need to adopt policies that have science behind them. The trickle-down economic ideology is political rhetoric of white-washing the “socialism for the rich.”  An ideology is a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of this society (that is normative or based on what is considered the normal or correct way of doing something). Trickle-down economics in the 21st century is a fraud – the majority of people are not benefiting – in fact, the gap between the rich and the rest of society is increasing.

Power is best seen as an invisible force linking individuals and actors, in a state of constant flux and renegotiation. There is a small group who have been made very wealthy by the existing system. Change is a threat to them. It is this group that loves its status quo so much that it sees its own change as an underhanded attack on its way of life. The debate is no longer how fast the ocean is rising, rather how fast will we rise to the occasion to introduce change. This is about introducing equality, justice and fairness so that it not just a perception, but a reality, that the system is no longer gamed for those at the top. To create change we must seek out ideas that make a difference. It is urgent to save globalization from the authoritarian neoliberal mindset because globalization is reversible. Our outlook must have a sense of urgency as things never stop moving, and we must be optimistic as there is always opportunity.

The increasing socioeconomic inequality, drives the need for change. Often, we have to acknowledge that change is sometimes difficult or close to impossible. Empowerment happens when individuals and organized groups are able to imagine their world differently and to realize that vision by changing the relations of power that have kept them in poverty, and restricted their voice and deprived them of their autonomy. While none of us can actually “see” the future, we can practice looking into the future and seeing what might be. The path forward is urgent optimism – a mindset that includes mental flexibility, realistic hope, and future power. Hope-reward feedback loop creates a vision of the future we can become. As we practice seeing many different crazy futures, we become more comfortable with the reality of continuous change, and we start to find hope in the possibilities that exist alongside the difficulties.6

 1 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trickle-down_economics#:~:text=These%20critics%20reject%20the%20notion%20that%20spending,eventually%20benefit%20the%20economy%20as%20a%20whole.&text=Nobel%20laureate%20Paul%20Krugman%20states%20that%20despite,earners%20has%20failed%20to%20change%20very%20much

 2 https://thehill.com/opinion/finance/5220282-trump-tax-cuts-trickle-down/

3  https://questioningandskepticism.com/part-2-of-2-creating-opportunities-a-comparison-of-top-down-and-bottom-up-systems/

4  https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/the-2017-trump-tax-law-was-skewed-to-the-rich-expensive-and-failed-to-deliver

5  https://questioningandskepticism.com/angry-people-on-the-road-to-anarchy/

6  https://questioningandskepticism.com/act-immediately-to-tackle-an-obstacle/

Posted in economic inequality, Global Economy, neoliberalism | Tagged | Leave a comment

Responding to the Cult of Fear in Politics

A cult is a group of people who organize around a strong authority figure. Cults, like many other groups, attempt to expand their influence for the purposes of power or money. No one joins a cult; they are recruited by systematic social influence processes. However, to achieve these ends, destructive cults employ a potent mixture of influence techniques and deception to attain psychological control over members and new recruits. This fundamental level of control is known alternatively as ‘brainwashing,’ ‘thought reform,’ or ‘mind control.’ A successful induction by a destructive cult displaces a person’s former identity and replaces it with a new one. That new identity may not be one that the person would have freely chosen under her own volition. Cult leaders are typically malignant narcissists and want people who will be obedient to them.

In Cults in Our Midst (1996), Margaret Singer described six conditions of cultic control among which were control of the environment; a system of rewards and punishments; creating a sense of powerlessness, fear and dependency; and reforming the follower’s behaviour and attitudes, all within a closed system of logic. All cult leaders want utter control over others. Money, sex, free labour or loyal combatants are all fringe benefits, and certainly most leaders take advantage of these, some in a big way. But absolute control over their relationships is the key. Arendt describes the innermost part of the structure in powerful terms: ‘In the centre of the movement, as the motor that swings it into motion, sits the Leader. He is separated from the elite formation by an inner circle of the initiated who spread around him an aura of impenetrable mystery.’  This mystery adds to the feeling that the leader is everywhere and sees everything.

Meanwhile, the leader keeps the inner circle off-balance by sowing distrust, and promoting and demoting personnel seemingly at random. People in totalist organisations are pressed so tightly together that their individuality is erased – as are any trusting interactions among them. Everyone is a ‘friend’ but true friendship is suppressed as a diversion from, and a threat to, attachment to the cause, the leader and the group. In fact, far from finding true comradeship or companionship, followers face a triple isolation: from the outside world, from each other within the closed system, and from their own internal dialogue, where clear thinking about the group might arise. The third element of totalism is the total ideology, or, as Newman called it: ‘A historical totality that has no beginning, middle or end’. The exclusive belief system is controlled entirely by the leader, empowering him or her through the creation of a fictional world of secrets and lies.1

Know your place – poetry after the Black Death reflected fear of social change. Contemporary moralists complained about those who rose above their allotted station in life and so in 1363 a law was passed that specified the food and dress that were appropriate for each social class. In line with such attitudes, Langland railed against the presumption of laborers who disdained day-old vegetables, bacon and cheap ale and instead demanded fresh meat, fish and fine ale. The Black Death altered the fundamental paradigm of European life that included socio-economic and religious belief and practice, unleashing the forces that made the Renaissance possible. During the 14th century, a cultural movement called humanism began to gain momentum in Italy. Beliefs of humanism included belief that reason, scepticism and the scientific method are the only appropriate instruments for discovering truth and structuring the human community.

Among its many principles, humanism promoted the idea that man was the center of his own universe, and people should embrace human achievements in education, classical arts, literature and science. In 1450, the invention of the Gutenberg printing press allowed for improved communication throughout Europe and for ideas to spread more quickly. As a result of this advance in communication, little-known texts from early humanist authors such as those by Francesco Petrarch and Giovanni Boccaccio, which promoted the renewal of traditional Greek and Roman culture and values, were printed and distributed to the masses. The humanists believed that the Greek and Latin classics contained both all the lessons one needed to lead a moral and effective life. The Renaissance yielded scholars the ability to read the scriptures in their original languages, and this in part stimulated the Protestant Reformation. The 16th century reformers considered the root of corruptions to be doctrinal rather than simply a matter of moral weakness or lack of ecclesiastical discipline.

Niccolò Machiavelli was a political theorist from the Renaissance period. In his most notable work, The Prince, he writes, “It is better to be feared than to be loved, if one cannot be both.” He argues that fear is a better motivator than love, which is why it is the more effective tool for leaders. He explored the complexities of power and leadership, suggesting that while it’s ideal to be both loved and feared, in practice, being feared is often a more reliable foundation for a ruler’s stability. He argues that love is based on fleeting bonds of obligation, while fear is based on the consistent dread of punishment, which is more enduring. Machiavelli took a calculated approach. Machiavelli’s concept of fear is not about promoting cruelty for its own sake. It’s a calculated approach to maintain order and ensure the ruler’s stability in a world where human nature is often viewed as unreliable. Machiavelli also stresses the need for prudence.

For a totalist system to wield complete control, the leader must tap fear – this is an important element of totalism. The process of brainwashing that totalist systems engage in is one of psychological, coercive manipulation where the leader or group alternates terror with ‘love’.  The fiction starts slowly, of course, with mere propaganda intended for the public and the wider world. After propaganda comes indoctrination, the state where the totalist system consolidates control, via what Arendt calls ‘the power to drop iron curtains to prevent anyone’s disturbing, by the slightest reality, the gruesome quiet of an entirely imaginary world’. A cult is an example of a totalist system. After the iron curtain of the total ideology has dropped, no questions or doubts are allowed. In today’s world, it is imperative for us to understand the workings of charismatic and authoritarian leaders and the organisations they lead.2

Sometimes, people’s thinking can kick back into gear when they experience repeated, counter-examples that challenge the ideology – such as receiving kindness from the ‘enemy’ or seeing apocalyptic predictions fail time after time after time. In 1952, Asch wrote: ‘The greater man’s ignorance of the principles of his social surroundings, the more subject is he to their control; and the greater his knowledge of their operations and of their necessary consequences, the freer he can become with regard to them.’ In a time of rapid change, such as Trump’s flooding the zone with garbage creates a general sense of instability, people are naturally going to seek security and stability. Cults and totalist regimes thrive in these conditions. Given the right circumstances, almost anyone is vulnerable to the psychological and situational pressures. Asch calls this “distortion of perception”. The influence of the group is such that it modifies the perception of the individual, who is then persuaded that the group is right.

The Asch effect: when being in a group can lead to bad decisions. The fear of social rejection, ridicule, or seeming different led many to conform to the incorrect opinions of the majority, even when the correct answer was obvious. This demonstrates the power of normative social influence, where individuals conform to gain social approval and avoid disapproval. Asch found that people were willing to ignore reality and give an incorrect answer in order to conform to the rest of the group. Irving Janis’s groupthink theory posits that in highly cohesive groups, the desire for consensus can override a realistic appraisal of alternatives, leading to poor decision-making. This phenomenon, also known as groupthink, occurs when members prioritize unanimity over critical evaluation, often stifling dissent and leading to flawed outcomes. Groupthink can lead to decisions that are irrational, inefficient, or even dangerous.3

Trump has acknowledged that fear is central to his authority. In Trump’s political style: authoritarian populism – there’s the virtuous in-group and the outright evil out-group. This out-group would then be scapegoated for societal problems. Typically, the in-group suppress political opposition, spread disinformation, fuel political violence and turn historically independent institutions into political actors that will help achieve their agenda. They use coercion to achieve these goals rather than by mustering popular support. The Trump administration regularly manipulates data to support its anti-immigrant agenda. Trump stokes fears about migrants driving up crime rate. Trump has frozen or threatened to withhold billions of dollars from universities across the U.S. unless they took steps to stamp out progressive ideology that his administration feels has run amok on college campuses and stifled conservative viewpoints. These series of threats – and subsequent pauses in funding have become an unprecedented tool for the Trump administration to exert influence on college campuses and the community.4

Fear is created not by the world around us, but in the mind, by what we think is going to happen, observes Elizabeth Gawain. The Republicans need a distraction, and turn to fear of undocumented immigrants: with messaging on urban disorder and migrant crime wave. We realize we have become disillusioned not because our expectations failed, but because they were false. Our goal is to create a more just and equitable society by ensuring fair access to shared resources and benefits for all members. We must promote new values for society to create the necessary change in culture to address the increasing economic inequality. In this manner new processes appear to replace the old. With enough people marching in a new direction of more accountability, the politicians will adapt in order to position themselves to the front of the crowd so they can assure us they are in control.

1  https://aeon.co/essays/how-cult-leaders-brainwash-followers-for-total-control

   2  https://questioningandskepticism.com/in-response-to-the-fear-of-change/

 3  https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=ASch+effect

  4   https://news.berkeley.edu/2025/01/21/theres-a-term-for-trumps-political-style-authoritarian-populism/

Posted in authoritarianism, economic inequality, Enlightenment | Leave a comment

Project 2025: a Blueprint for Corporate Dystopia

At its core, dystopian fiction is a warning against complacency. By depicting societies where individuality is suppressed, knowledge is controlled, and human rights are disregarded, these stories compel readers to evaluate the fragility of the freedoms we often take for granted. Characteristics of a dystopian society: information, independent thought, and freedom are restricted/censored. A figurehead or concept is worshiped by the citizens of the society. Citizens are perceived to be under constant surveillance. Citizens have a fear of the outside world. A corporate dystopia is very similar to that of a government dystopia except that the controlling power is often a private organization. Corporate dystopia is a future or alternate history where corporate power has lead to an oppressive society, a society that fails to meet at least some peoples needs, or otherwise fits the typical definitions of a dystopia.

The US billionaire Warren Buffett once observed that “there’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.” This remains key to understanding everything happening today: the capitalist class is on the offensive, and it is as determined to exploit today’s crisis of capitalism to its advantage as it was when ripping up the postwar consensus in the 1970s. Trump administration’s hobbling of CFPB raising concern because it’s a political risk to hobble a watchdog of financial institutions that has sought to limit overdraft fees and junk fees. President Trump has fired heads of offices and agencies tasked, since Watergate, with protecting federal workers and whistleblowers. This includes Internet watchdogs that fight disinformation. The aim is unfettered corporate power, capitalism unchecked by democracy. Elon Musk, leading the assault on the middle and working class, is orchestrating full-on class warfare.1

The concept of sustainable development is named after the Brundtland report, which reported sustainable consumption in developed countries: “Sustainable development is based on three fundamental pillars: social, economic and environmental.” One extremely strong pillar will not hold a building, but three mildly strong pillars will. The social pillar is crucial because it focuses on the well-being and fairness of people within a community. The economic or governance pillar refers to maintaining honest and transparent accounting practices and regulatory compliance. The environmental pillar includes organisations that prioritise the environment will have a focus on minimising waste and pollution.  The “economic pillar” of sustainability refers to the aspect of sustainability that focuses on maintaining a healthy and growing economy while considering environmental and social factors, ensuring long-term economic prosperity without compromising future generations’ ability to meet their needs; essentially, achieving economic growth in a responsible way that doesn’t harm the environment or society at large.

Similarly, democratic governments are built on three pillars that when kept in balance with each other ensure the sustainability of the government, the liberties and basic human rights of society as well as the survivability of our society in general: economic, social and environment. The social pillar encompasses policies that relate to our liveability and equality within society. Things like health, education and homelessness all fall under the social pillar. The economic pillar contains everything to do with the economy, business and corporations. Small business, stock markets and in short anything related to the economy. The final pillar is the environmental pillar and deals with the outside environment, nature and animals. While it can deal with the human-built environment, it mainly focuses on the natural environment around us. Together these three pillars build the foundation for a great society and the magnitudes of benefits that come with it.

However, if one pillar is ignored or given greater attention for a prolonged period, then society becomes unbalanced, inefficient and unsustainable for the future. By making these pillars unbalanced, a government will bring either: instability to their community or some form of a totalitarian state, where freedoms and liberties are infringed upon. Nonetheless, there will be times when one is given preferences over the others for the greater good of society, but one must be careful that they are quick to revert to an equilibrium of the pillars as soon as possible, else they will incur drastic and devastating implications in the long run. Therefore, a government must be extremely careful and precise so that they do little to disrupt this balance. Leaders must be mindful of behaving properly. They must not be on a quest to fulfill an agenda or let their high ambitions for control and power cloud their judgement.2

But today, the pillars – state, market, and community – of society are in imbalance. And we need to recalibrate them to get the right balance. Whenever we go through technological progress or are shaken by a collapsing economy, depression or recession, the balance is disturbed until society finds a new equilibrium. In recent decades, two pillars have grown at the expense of the community, which has caused the community to languish. Today, we can solve many of the problems that we are plagued with by reviving the community. Communities have also been at the forefront of movements against corruption and cronyism, and these movements have kept away the state from getting into an implicit understanding with the big businesses. A strong community is important to preserve the vibrant market democracies and is probably one of the reasons why authoritarian movements crush community consciousness and try to instill nationalist and proletarian consciousness.

Society gains the most when its three pillars are in balance. The state provides security, it always has, and the state also tries to ensure equity in economic outcomes through policies like affirmative action, housing for the less privileged, etc. The goal behind the policies is to create a level playing field so that people are equally placed to participate in the market. The competitive market ensures that those who succeed use resources effectively and efficiently, and the successful since they are independent of the state, have some ability to stand up against arbitrary action of the state. Active communities, which are organized politically and socially, act as a check to keep the states and markets separate. If the states and the market aren’t separate, the economy will become a crony and authoritarian one. Russia is a good example of what happens when the state and market get too comfortable with one another.3

The Social Contract is the most fundamental source of all that is good and that which we depend upon to live well. Our choice is either to abide by the terms of the contract, or return to the State of Nature, which Hobbes argues no reasonable person could possibly prefer.  The Social Contract – that in the US was centered around social mobility and in Europe around economic security – looks increasingly broken and the gap between the highly skilled and everyone else is growing. These technological and economic transformations have reshaped the relationships between education, work, opportunities and welfare, rendering the previous social contract outdated, and making it necessary to establish a new one that benefits everyone. There is a need for social contact renewal – to address the corporate dystopia. If people’s expressed needs are not addressed over a significant amount of time, it can risk the government legitimacy.

The government and tech have created a massive surveillance state: “big bother is watching you.” George Orwell wrote “1984”, his dystopian masterpiece, to teach people a lesson about the negative things that could happen if they allowed their government to exercise total control. The novel explores themes of totalitarianism, the individual versus the collective, and the dangers of unaccountable governments. One of Orwell’s most important messages in 1984 is that language is of central importance to human thought because it structures and limits the ideas that individuals are capable of formulating and expressing. Donald Trump is trying to create a dystopian society/government that works: this includes rampant capitalism, corporate corruption, suppressing ethical judgement by media, conspiracy theories, chronic racial and class division. Corporate money now controls the outcome of US elections, and the legislation that is passed by those who have been elected.

A dystopian world is on the horizon: the aim is unfettered corporate power, capitalism unrestrained by democracy. America First is actually code for Big Business First – a system that will only create wealth for the few. In dystopian story world, you need to realize that any dystopian society/government can be made to work if the primary values of that society/government are held in high enough esteem and if sufficient compromises are made. Revolutions happen when sufficient numbers of people in a society decide some compromises are no longer worth making, societal values of right and wrong start to shift, or sufficient numbers of people imagine a new paradigm where less or more acceptable compromises are required. We must become better communicators and champion democracy. Early in the election cycle, determine who your supporters are, then focus on the message that will turn them out to vote.

As corporations and oligarchs gain more control over politics and society, they erode the principles and institutions of democracy and human rights. They undermine the rule of law, the separation of powers, the freedom of expression, the right to privacy, the right to education, the right to health care, and other civil liberties. They also promote extremism, such as, authoritarianism, nationalism, populism, fascism. A fundamental element of the social contract is more equitable prosperity with fair and equitable distribution of income, satisfying people’s need for security and opportunity while also addressing the challenges that affect society as a whole. Culture plays an essential role in the journey towards sustainable development. Boasting both social and economic development aspects, culture can provide immense support to the three pillars required for sustainable development. A social contract along these lines helps create a sense of social cohesion and cooperation, which is necessary for the functioning of any society. This process stops the radical agenda of Project 2025 and counters the accompanying corporate dystopia.4

1  https://www.yahoo.com/news/fact-check-yes-warren-buffett-225700758.html

 2 https://medium.com/@brikzcentral/the-three-key-pillars-to-a-sustainable-society-and-government-b5a38a2820c3

3  https://medium.com/illumination/the-three-pillars-of-society-de156eaa6db3

4  https://questioningandskepticism.com/rousseau-and-freedom-a-renewed-social-contract/

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Connecting Project 2025 and Scopes Monkey Trial

Project 2025 calls for establishing a government that would be imbued with “biblical principles” and run by a president who holds sweeping executive powers. Christian nationalism believes that the Christian Bible, as God’s infallible law, should be the basis of government and have primacy over public and private institutions. Its patriarchal view does not recognize gender equality or gay rights and sanctions discrimination based on religious beliefs. Also, supports the elimination of the Head Start childcare program despite the fact that for nearly six decades the program has helped low-income children and families with nutrition, education, and high-quality, affordable day care to prepare children for school and enable low-income parents to work. It recommends banning abortion, ensuring that only pro-life government policy prevails, and outlaws the mailing of abortion-inducing medication. The major means to bringing about such deep and lasting change is by eviscerating the federal civil service; loyalists would be hired in their place.1

The Scopes Monkey Trial, a 1925 event centered on the teaching of evolution in schools, is sometimes connected to discussions about DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) due to its historical context of religious fundamentalism versus scientific inquiry, which can be seen as a precursor to modern debates about diverse perspectives and inclusion. In 1925, John Scopes, a high school teacher in Tennessee, was put on trial for teaching evolution, violating the state’s Butler Act which prohibited the teaching of evolution and mandated the teaching of the biblical account of creation. The Scopes trial continues to resonate today because it raises questions about the role of science and religion in education, as well as the importance of diverse perspectives and critical thinking. The Scopes trial’s legacy can be used to advocate for the inclusion of diverse perspectives in education and society, ensuring that all voices are heard and that different viewpoints are respected.2

Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) are organizational frameworks that seek to promote the fair treatment and full participation of all people. The concept of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) has roots in the social justice movements of the 1950s and 60s, particularly in the US, focusing on civil rights and combating discrimination based on race, gender, and other factors. Inclusion, as a core component of DEI, emphasizes creating environments where individuals feel valued, respected, and included, regardless of their background. DEI encourages organizations to welcome and promote a diversity of perspectives, actively empowering all individuals to make significant contributions. Project 2025 expresses a special contempt for the LGBTQ+ community. The Project outlines deleting the terms sexual orientation and gender identity (“SOGI”), diversity, equity, and inclusion (“DEI”), gender, gender equality, gender equity, gender awareness, gender-sensitive, abortion, reproductive health, reproductive rights, and any other term used to deprive Americans of their First Amendment rights.

The scientific foundation for DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) initiatives lies in understanding how diverse perspectives, inclusive environments, and equitable access to opportunities lead to better outcomes in various domains, including research, education, and the workplace. Diverse teams bring a wider range of experiences and perspectives, leading to more innovative solutions. Diverse perspectives can help identify and address problems more effectively. Inclusive environments create a sense of belonging and value, leading to higher employee engagement and retention. Diverse perspectives can help organizations make more informed and balanced decisions. DEI initiatives can help to address unconscious biases and create a more equitable environment for all. Diverse and inclusive organizations are better able to build strong relationships with the communities they serve. DEI initiatives can help to address systemic inequalities and create a more equitable society. Encouraging open dialogue and collaboration across different groups can help to build understanding and trust.3

On the other hand, “DEI became shorthand for something very complex,” explains Aisha Leach, Chief People Officer at The Last Mile. “It was treated as a quick fix – a way to signal values without grappling with the deep, systemic changes that true equity requires.” DEI initiatives face challenges including resistance to change, lack of accountability, and a focus on surface-level changes rather than addressing systemic issues. Many employees resist DEI initiatives, perceiving them as threatening to established organizational norms and processes. A culture that values homogeneity or is resistant to change can stifle DEI efforts, even if leaders are committed. Some DEI training programs focus on identifying unconscious biases but fail to provide actionable steps on how to address them. DEI efforts may focus on surface-level changes without addressing the underlying systemic issues that perpetuate inequality.

Some diversity efforts lost momentum after GOP President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s backed corporate deregulation policies asserting companies should address discrimination internally, Hollins said. Then, George Floyd’s murder in 2020 renewed the push for DEI leadership roles and initiatives at major corporations. Some critics argue that DEI efforts can lead to reverse discrimination, where individuals or groups are disadvantaged based on their race, gender, or other characteristics. DEI initiatives can unintentionally exclude certain perspectives or voices, particularly if they focus on specific identities or groups. These efforts can result in tokenism, where individuals from underrepresented groups are hired or promoted to meet quotas rather than based on merit. Adequate resources, including funding, training, and staff, are crucial for successful DEI implementation. Without institutional support and leadership, DEI efforts may not be sustained or prioritized.

Evolutionary psychology explains the appeal of religious fundamentalism in terms of social functional behavior, since it promotes coherence and predictability among individuals within religious groups. Fundamentalism requires a departure from ordinary empirical inquiry: it reflects a rigid cognitive strategy that fixes beliefs and amplifies within-group commitment and out-group bias. Recent studies have linked religious fundamentalism to denial of scientific progress, and reinforced its role in prejudice towards out-groups. Although people may think subjectively of religious belief as a true or false representation of how the world is, it is notable that certain religious beliefs do not generally update in response to evidence, and that conservatism is especially notable in the case of fundamentalist beliefs. Empirical beliefs are indications of how the world appears to us and are updated according to accumulated evidence. Fundamentalist religious beliefs, in comparison, do not track and predict variation in the world. Rather, they appear to track, and predict, social group-level commitments.4

Among the many ironies at the Scopes trial, two surrounded the textbook at the center of the controversy. First, Tennessee mandated that George W. Hunter’s A Civic Biology (1914) be used statewide to teach biology, but the text endorsed evolution, effectively requiring biology teachers to violate the Butler Act. Second, Hunter’s endorsement of evolution – a doctrine championed by Scopes’ supporters as the enlightened view – was derived from his embrace of eugenics as a means of protecting the white race, which he deemed superior, through hereditary selection. However, civic boosters recruited a teacher to challenge the law. The trial, which lasted eight days, attracted national media attention and became a spectacle, with William Jennings Bryan, a prominent figure in the anti-evolution movement, prosecuting the case and Clarence Darrow, a renowned defense attorney, representing Scopes. The jury found Scopes guilty after deliberating for less than ten minutes and fined him $100.

In 1859, British naturalist Charles Darwin published “On the Origin of Species,” which explained his theory of evolution by means of natural selection. Darwin’s theory was seen as a direct challenge to the biblical story of creation by many fundamentalist Christians at the time. That contention came to a head in the 1920s when state lawmakers began considering outlawing the teaching of evolution in public schools. While the jury sided with the prosecution, the case generated more attention and interest in the theory of evolution. Did we move forward? Most recently in Texas, new state curriculum has sparked criticism due to its inclusion of biblical references, a lesson that asks students to repeat the phrase that starts the creation story in the Book of Genesis and an activity requesting that children remember the order in which the Bible says God created the universe. Basically, the issue did not go away.

Project 2025 wants to make faith the government’s job. A well-funded coalition wants to put the Bible ahead of the Constitution. Right-wing groups do not want to ensure all Americans have religious freedom, but want to impose conservative Christian views on a religiously-diverse country. Project 2025 would jeopardize federal scientists’ independence and undermine their influence.  In addition, Project 2025 – the sweeping right-wing blueprint for a new kind of U.S. presidency – will sabotage science-based policies that address climate change, the environment, abortion, health care access, technology and education. It would impose religious and conservative ideology on the federal civil service. “The independence of science is being attacked across the board in this document,” notes Rachel Cleetus, policy director of the Climate and Energy program at the nonpartisan Union of Concerned Scientists. “The importance of this science is that’s how we can ensure people’s health and the environment are being safeguarded.”5

The plan is authoritarian and Christian nationalist and threatens separation of powers (as created by the U.S. Constitution), separation of church and state (created by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights) and civil liberties. Project 2025 would destroy the U.S. system of checks and balances and create an autocracy. Project 2025 is rife with bad ideas that, if enacted, would inflict harm on students and schools across the country. It is not just a policy wish list – it’s a plan to dismantle unions and erode workers’ rights. It seeks to fundamentally reshape federal government policies across various sectors, including social safety nets, civil rights, and environmental protection. When we realize that 100 million Americans, one way or another, depend on or benefit from social safety net, environmental, and civil rights protections, managed by the “administrative state,” we can see how devastating dismantlement – and far-right micromanagement – of these departments could be.6

As human beings, we owe each other basic respect, kindness, and fairness, forming a foundation for a positive and harmonious society, and striving to be helpful and supportive when someone is in need. We need a better social contract that recognizes our interdependencies, supports and invests more in each other, and expects more of individuals in return. Whether we realize it or not, all of us participate in the social contract every day through mutual obligations among our family, community, place of work, and fellow citizens. Caring for others, paying taxes, and benefiting from public services define the social contract that supports and binds us together as a society. A new social contract should be based on key principles including stakeholder capitalism, skill development, economic security and a transition to net zero. The best way forward to a new social contract is to defeat Trump and his Project 2025 initiatives at the ballot box. 7

1  https://kettering.org/project-2025-the-blueprint-for-christian-nationalist-regime-change/

2  https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=connection+between+scopes+monkey+trial+and+DEI#cobssid=s

3  https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=science+behind+DEI

4  https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5500821/

5  https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/project-2025-plan-for-trump-presidency-has-far-reaching-threats-to-science/

6  https://www.socialworkers.org/Advocacy/Social-Justice/Social-Justice-Briefs/Project-2025-on-Social-Safety-Net-A-Social-Work-Perspective

7  https://questioningandskepticism.com/rousseau-and-freedom-a-renewed-social-contract/

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How Our Loneliness is Feeding Authoritarianism

Throughout the 16th century, loneliness was often evoked in sermons to frighten churchgoers from sin – people were asked to imagine themselves in lonely places such as hell or the grave. But well into the 17th century, the word was still rarely used. In 1674, the English naturalist John Ray included ‘loneliness’ in a list of infrequently used words, and defined it as a term to describe places and people ‘far from neighbours’. A century later, the word hadn’t changed much. In Samuel Johnson’s A Dictionary of the English Language (1755), he described the adjective ‘lonely’ solely in terms of the state of being alone (the ‘lonely fox’), or a deserted place (‘lonely rocks’). In Hamlet, William Shakespeare’s tragic hero experiences loneliness and isolation that is mostly self-imposed. In the 19th century, amid modernity, loneliness lost its connection with religion and began to be associated with secular feelings of alienation.1

Thinkers as early as Aristotle observed that man is, by nature, a social creature. For this reason, there has been a surge of media attention on the “loneliness plague” which the Information Age has wrought. The collapse of community perhaps explains the meteoric rise of “social” media. A recent study revealed that people who spent more time on social media were more likely to experience feelings of loneliness, especially if their motive for being on social media was to maintain contact with friends and family. The problem, of course, is that social media seems to be doing more to divide people than unite them – or in Arendt’s words, isolate humans “against each other.” Volunteering is a way out of the loneliness epidemic. Volunteering often provides a new perspective on the world. It can introduce us to new ideas, communities, and ways to be grateful for what we already have.

What prepares men for totalitarian domination in the non-totalitarian world is the fact that loneliness, once a borderline experience usually suffered in certain marginal social conditions like old age, has become an everyday experience of the ever-growing masses of our century. Totalitarians in power found a way to crystallise the occasional experience of loneliness into a permanent state of being. Through the use of isolation and terror, totalitarian regimes created the conditions for loneliness, and then appealed to people’s loneliness with ideological propaganda. According to Hannah Arendt, important factors that made totalitarianism possible included collapsed political structures and masses of uprooted people who had lost their orientation and sense of reality in a world marked by socio-economic transformation, revolution and war. While the leaders of the movements belonged to the “mob”, their many supporters were recruited from these rootless and lonely “masses” through propaganda.

The basic experience underlying totalitarianism, the experience that continues today to make it likely that totalitarianism remains a constant concern, is loneliness, an alienation from political, social, and cultural life. “The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.” Arendt believed that totalitarian rulers crave complete control and use propaganda and rewriting of history to instill fear and loyalty in citizens. When you live in post truth society, you can’t do anything because if there is no truth there can be no coordination and therefore no action. Project 2025 is a plan to shatter democracy’s guardrails, giving presidents almost unlimited power to implement policies that will hurt everyday Americans and strip them of fundamental rights.

Today’s GOP is the totalitarian force it claims to oppose. The right’s intrusion into private life is exactly the characteristic of modern authoritarianism decried by 20th-century conservatives. The militant blurring of the private and public spheres is a signal characteristic of totalitarianism, as mid-century political thinkers understood it. Whatever else the Trumpian right may be, it is not at all squeamish about the politicization of private life. There’s a heightened sense on the American right that culture is the fulcrum of society and politics – “hence you have to intensify the culture wars.”  Trump’s own ongoing assault on the electoral structure of democracy is itself a brand of culture warfare, with sinister election workers and voting-machine makers undermining the rightful pride of place accorded to white nationalist rule in the American system.2

Hannah Arendt argues that power is communication not coercion and control: power radically differs from control, domination or violence in that it cannot be exercised over someone; it can only be exercised with others through communication and cooperation. “You can’t launch a coordination from the top if you’ve got all these distracting little people exercising their thinking and voting, running around talking about pluralism.” Big money has always spoken loudly in American politics. The power elite control what you think through proxies who control information and communication, and through their lobbyists who influence what most of your politicians believe. In November 2024, America rebelled against political elites by again electing a self-proclaimed champion of the people, Donald Trump. Eight weeks into a second mandate, it is now out in the open this government is more deeply in the pockets of lobbyists and billionaires than ever before.

Beyond appealing to the past, power also relies for its continued legitimacy on the rationally binding commitments that arise out of a process of free and undistorted communication. Because of this, power is highly independent of material factors: it is sustained not by economic, bureaucratic or military means, but by the power of common convictions that result from a process of fair and unconstrained deliberation. Power is also not something that can be relied upon at all times or accumulated and stored for future use. Rather, it exists only as a potential which is actualized when actors gather together for political action and public deliberation. It is thus closely connected to the space of appearance, that public space which arises out of the actions and speeches of individuals. Indeed, for Arendt, “power is what keeps the public realm, the potential space of appearance between acting and speaking men, in existence.”3

The most prevalent cause for loneliness was feeling disconnected. Cognitive discrepancy theory suggests that loneliness is a subjective, unpleasant, and distressing phenomenon stemming from a discrepancy between individuals’ desired and achieved levels of social relations. Many young adults spoke about being lonely because they felt unable to express themselves, their feelings or talk about their issues. They also talked about being lonely due to feeling they did not matter to others and were not understood. Challenges pertaining to social media and materialism in contemporary culture contribute to loneliness as does pressure associated with work, fitting in and social comparison. Social media play a major role in exacerbating these experiences. The basic experience underlying totalitarianism, the experience that continues today to make it likely that totalitarianism remains a constant concern, is loneliness, an alienation from political, social, and cultural life. Arendt focuses on loneliness in her analysis of the origins of totalitarianism.

Arendt writes of entire populations who “had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything was possible and that nothing was true.” She describes the masses’ escape from reality as ‘a verdict against the world in which they are forced to live and in which they cannot exist.’ She points out that in societies riddled with elite hypocrisy, ‘it seemed revolutionary to admit cruelty, disregard of human values, and general amorality, because this at least destroyed the duplicity upon which the existing society seemed to rest.’ Toward the end of her book, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt maintained that what makes a society vulnerable to takeover by authoritarians and totalitarians is loneliness. She defined loneliness as “the experience of not belonging to the world at all, which is among the most radical and desperate experiences of man (sic).”4

We do need the narratives, but the real danger is we need them even if they are not real. Applebaum gives the example of people who fall for QAnon conspiracies and their prophet Q because of their desperate need to be part of an ongoing story. They can now belong to a community in which their views are accepted and reinforced, but, even more importantly, they “have access to special and secret information that most Americans don’t have. So you’re a community that has special knowledge. You’ve been gifted with this special access to a different reality.” Authoritarians would have you think that they can do certain things better than their counterparts who have to deal with checks, balances, and public opinion. Authoritarian leaders share conspiracy theories to attack opponents, galvanize followers, shift blame, and undermine democratic institutions. Authoritarianism, in politics and government, is the blind submission to authority and the repression of individual freedom of thought and action.

As the crisis of neoliberal global capitalism unfolds, and as we move to the brink of another economic crisis, global capitalism is once again resorting to authoritarianism and fascism to maintain its power. Basically, exposure to neoliberal ideology increases loneliness and decreases well-being by reducing people’s sense of connection to others and by increasing perceptions of being in competition with others. Loneliness is feeding authoritarianism. To defend democracy and decency, we must build belonging. Authoritarianism is defeated by offering people a social contract that works again, so they don’t have to flee into the arms of strongmen for a sense of safety and security when societies are collapsing around them. Liberals throughout history have made this mistake again and again. In Nazi Germany, liberals didn’t offer people anything much – it was the Nazis, in fact, who promised them the world. The same was true in Soviet Russia. And it is true again in America today.

 1 https://aeon.co/essays/for-hannah-arendt-totalitarianism-is-rooted-in-loneliness

2  https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/republican-totalitarianism/

 3  https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arendt/#ActiPowe

4  https://www.womensordination.org/blog/2022/06/07/loneliness-and-authoritarianism/

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Political Doublespeak and the Breakdown of Society

Modern western civilization reached a pinnacle in the last half of the 20th century, spending over 200 years evolving and spreading throughout the world. A robust social contract, technological advancement and pervasive economic success in the context of democracy and capitalism propelled the project. Scientists, historians and politicians alike have begun to warn that Western culture is reaching a critical juncture. Cycles of inequality and resource use are heading for a tipping point that in many past civilizations precipitated political unrest, war and finally collapse. It starts with a fairly equal society, then, as the population grows, the supply of labour begins to outstrip demand and so becomes cheap. Wealthy elites form, while the living standards of the workers fall. As the society becomes more unequal, the cycle enters a more destructive phase, in which the misery of the lowest strata and infighting between elites contribute to social turbulence and, eventually, collapse.1

The personality traits of narcissism and entitlement are not organically innate; they are products of capitalist socialization, which instills and perpetuates such values and practices. In a capitalist society, individuals are often encouraged to prioritize self-interest, competition, and material success over communal well-being and cooperation. This environment fosters a sense of entitlement and narcissism, as people are conditioned to view themselves as superior and deserving of special treatment. The focus on personal gain and achievement at the expense of others erodes collective values and promotes a culture where these traits are normalized and even rewarded. The understanding of social roots of narcissism and entitlement is essential for addressing their pervasive influence. The stagnation of the working class – wages were suppressed by policy choices made on behalf of those with the most income, wealth, and power; coupled with the degradation of the environment and the collapse of social welfare, led to political discontent and populism in many countries.2

Political leaders use language to convey their messages, shape public opinion, and mobilize support for their agendas. Rhetoric, speeches, and propaganda are all examples of how language is used in politics to influence and persuade. Politicians use language strategically to frame issues, shape narratives, and sway public opinion. The choice of words, tone, and rhetoric can influence how policies are perceived and debated. Likewise, understood rhetoric is a powerful political weapon for shaping political belief and action. In other words, Trump’s language appears to be designed to align him with non-politicians, to assert his identity as a ‘common man’. Compared with the other speakers, Trump uses shorter words and a more restricted vocabulary, suggesting that his language will appear familiar to a larger proportion of people. Although his language, both in content and in style, is odd for a political leader, it is familiar to his audience. It is the true language of populism.

Political discourse operates indexically, meaning that every single word being used either implicitly or explicitly expresses some political view point. This could even be as subtle as an accent, or how people are addressed. Political discourse is always aimed at interaction, including interruption, debate, and negotiation. Political discourse also tends to be vague, almost like the words of a horoscope, leaving the electorate up to interpret what is being said as they would like to understand it. Trump makes vague implications with a raised eyebrow or a shrug, allowing his audience to reach their own conclusions. And that conversational style can be effective. It’s more intimate than a scripted speech. People walk away from Donald Trump feeling as though he were casually talking to them, allowing them to finish his thoughts. Trump, a master at the art of political persuasion, was able to influence voters about a better future during 2024 election.

Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely. The statement , “an observation that a person’s sense of morality lessens as his or her power increases,” was made by Lord Acton, a British historian of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Power corrupts those who never deserved to wield it in the first place because they never had the right values or ideas to fight various temptations. It corrupts because it gives a person an ever greater/easier means and opportunity to take the path of least resistance and shortcuts to attain a goal. “When you feel powerful, you kind of lose touch with other people,” Kelter explains. “You stop attending carefully to what other people think.” People with power may not only act inappropriately in the workplace, gamble, and act impulsively, but also lose empathy for others. Also, the narcissist is extremely selective in how and when they show the limited empathy they have.

Such people with egocentric self-absorption have three types of tendencies at the same time: narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy. The fact that these people not only often seek power but also succeed in acquiring power has two main reasons. The first is that these people are often very good at manipulating people. They can often appear charming when necessary and lie and cheat outright to get their way. The second reason, according to Klaas, has to do with an evolutionary ingrained tendency of people. That tendency is to think that powerful, aggressive men are good leaders in tense situations. Moreover, many people in positions of power find themselves in the situation that the people around them mostly talk to them, which may lead them to believe more and more in their own right and take their privileges for granted.3

Corruption is the enemy of development, and of good governance. It must be got rid of. Both the government and the people at large must come together to achieve this national objective (Pratibha Patil). Philosopher Terry Price suggests that powerful individuals can engage in “exception-making” – believing that the rules and laws that apply to others do not apply to them. This can be an easy source of corruption. There is also evidence that the more power people possess, the more they focus on their egocentric desires and the less able they are to see others’ perspectives. Powerful people and leaders need to understand that their obligation is to use that power wisely and to benefit others. Not to abuse it and certainly not use it to justify their illegal or immoral behavior that harms others. Corruption results from a balance between opportunities and constraints.

Even with increased knowledge of power’s corrupting effect and safeguards put in place to counteract such tendencies, power abuse remains rampant in society suggesting that the full extent of this effect is not well understood. The best antidote to power and corruption is humility. It is important that leaders and others with power have the humility to evaluate their behavior objectively. They need to realize that their power is given to them, that it can be fleeting, and it is the obligation of those close to the leader – the inner circle – to hold a mirror up to the leader’s actions and to hold the leader accountable. On analysis of culture of corruption – follow the money – corruption and graft punish the poor, undermine development, and corrode honest governance. And because the corrupt will always try to protect their interests, anti-corruption initiatives themselves can also become politicised for end gain.

The narcissist feels a powerful entitlement to admiration, his need for praise is insatiable. The outside world’s continual confirmation of the narcissistic self’s uniqueness is vital. Moreover, hyper-sensitivity to criticism places premiums on the narcissist’s surrounding himself with sycophants. No wonder the narcissist needs courtiers around him. Narcissists seek out the rich and other celebrities. A billionaire like Trump seeks out the company of other billionaires, for they are the sole persons qualified to respect fully his success and to applaud it. The narcissist is by nature an existentialist. For that approach offers the maximum freedom to do whatever the need of the emotional moment is, and to avoid doing anything that is uncomfortable or inconvenient. That is also why a narcissist is distinctly uninterested in precedent, in the norms observed by others, in lessons as to what falls within the realm of the impossible, the painful, the costly.

Corruption establishes patronage systems, builds loyalty, pays off rivals and opposition, co-opts accountability institutions, and buys votes and immunity from prosecution. With politicized corruption, the spoils are not just for personal enrichment but rather to win, stabilize and extend political power. High levels of inequality are associated with economic instability, corruption, financial crises, increased crime and poor physical and mental health. When we look around: tax concessions, tax avoidance and tax evasion remain widespread. Corporate tax rates have fallen. This has reduced resources to invest in the very services that can reduce inequality: social protection, education, healthcare. The corrosive effects of today’s levels of inequality are clear. We are sometimes told a rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. But in reality, rising inequality sinks all boats. Confidence in institutions and leaders is eroding.

With inability for deep emotions, narcissists lack a positive vision for the future and hence are not very strong in developing compelling long-term strategic perspectives. Furthermore, they are easily bored when things are too normal and under control which makes them create one crisis after the next whilst constantly increasing the incurred risks. For the narcissist Hitler, in his mind, the German people had failed, his generals had failed, his soldiers had failed. They had failed Germany but, more importantly they had failed him – and he wanted them punished for failing him. As Trump’s elaborate façade of competence and invulnerability is punctured and shattered in real time for the world to see, he will begin to move from denial to the early stages of lashing out and making threats. When a narcissist starts to lose power, he will turn on his followers. This is laying ground work for social turbulence in the near future.

The escalation of narcissistic entitlement in global politics means planetary limits are more likely to be ignored. Narcissists and their culture of entitlement erode the collective foundations of society, promoting individualism in a way that enables capitalism to thrive without resistance. This shift undermines communal bonds and fosters an environment where personal gain is prioritized over the common good. The resulting fragmentation weakens societal cohesion, making it easier for exploitative systems to perpetuate themselves. Now in the US a specific form of corruption occurs when elites seek public funds, originally intended to be invested in services that benefit the larger population, to fund projects that would only benefit them. Look around – economic decline, political corruption and social inequality and class conflict are signs you are living in a collapsing society. This breakdown includes the loss of collective capacity to meet basic needs of the population, and the difficult-to-reverse loss of capacity to carry out basic functions.4

1  https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg23731610-300-end-of-days-is-western-civilisation-on-the-brink-of-collapse/

2  https://countercurrents.org/2024/07/capitalism-and-its-narcissist-culture-of-entitlement/

3  https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/blog/cutting-edge-leadership/202402/how-and-why-power-corrupts-people4https://beyond.ubc.ca/what-is-societal-collapse-and-why-does-it-matter/

4  https://beyond.ubc.ca/what-is-societal-collapse-and-why-does-it-matter/

Posted in Individualism, The Narcissist's Vocation and the Economic Debacle, Uncategorized | Leave a comment

 When Symbolic Violence Turns into Symbolic Warfare

The title, The Fountainhead, refers to the source of human progress which, according to Rand, is ego – act on the virtue of rational self-interest. By 2018 Ayn Rand and her novels had become widespread cultural reference points among wealthy bankers, CEOs, tech moguls, and right-wing politicians. Rand’s philosophy had its roots in nineteenth-century classical liberalism and in her impassioned rejection of socialism and the welfare state in the twentieth century. Her anti-statist, pro–“free market” stances went on to shape the politics of what came to be called libertarianism, during a period of rapid expansion in the 1970s. The Mont Perlin Society was drawn together by the common sense of crisis. The gap between the public face and the relatively hidden political planning of neoliberals has been described by David Harvey as a contrast between the utopian theory of neoliberal freedom and the practical class project of installing oligarchical elites at the center of economic and state power.

Rand’s influence floats over all libertarian theories as a guiding spirit for the sense of energized aspiration and the advocacy of inequality and cruelty that shaped their worldviews. Drawing on deeply familiar cultural narratives derived from the fantasies of European empire, she outlines heroic characters and romance plots that appeal especially to white teenagers. Rand’s novels present “superior” characters and eroticize their contempt for and cruelty toward “inferior” others. She presents readers with her ideal capitalist: a haughty individualist with no need for the collectivism of government, unions or human solidarity. Donald Trump describes himself as an Ayn Rand fan. But she despised Trump’s kind of crony capitalism tied with government favors and corruption.  Atlas Shrugged tells us that if left unresolved, conflicts between reason and whim can lead even great men and great nations to destruction. Rand noted: “You can avoid reality, but you cannot avoid the consequences of avoiding reality.”1

Organized primarily by economist Friedrich Hayek, the more than one thousand economists, journalists, policy makers, and other thinkers who eventually gathered under the Mount Perlin Society umbrella formed what Philip Mirowski has called a “Neoliberal Thought Collective” – an intellectual/political intervention that eventually defined a new era of capitalism. Hayek published his book The Road to Serfdom in 1944 with new ideas, sounding the alarm that the West was rapidly abandoning its inheritance of individualism. He claimed there was a slow process under way in which important personal liberties were being extinguished by the state. The neoliberals set out to retool the state in relation to the market values of property rights and corporate hegemony. While their public propaganda efforts emphasized the keyword freedom and linked so-called free markets with free minds, they set out via activist interventions in state policy to create a decidedly planned version of “laissez-faire.” 2

Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence is pivotal in understanding the subtle mechanisms of power and dominance in society. This concept refers to the non-physical means by which social hierarchy and power relations are maintained, often internalized by individuals to the extent that they accept and perpetuate their own subjugation. Symbolic violence refers to the subtle and often unnoticed forms of domination and control that are exerted through social norms, values, and cultural practices. They challenge the universalising ‘truths’ of the economic system, calling it a ‘double discourse which, although founded on belief, mimics science by superimposing the appearance of reason… on the social fantasies of the dominant’.  Symbolic violence operates through cultural means, such as language, education, and social norms, to legitimize the status quo. Many of Trump’s speeches enable rather than demand violence and ultimately, they provide a warrant for any violence that ensues.

Bourdieu’s approach to social change – it is necessary reconceptualise society in order to make visible power relations and injustices which are hidden through processes of ‘dehistoricisation and universalisation’. We must escape what Bourdieu terms the symbolic violence within our own minds which prevents us from thinking critically. He argues that this is a necessary step towards creating a more just society. In the current dominant framework of neo-liberalism, individualism, and self-responsibility, symbolic violence often leads people to (unjustly) blame themselves for their own suffering whilst the role of society remains hidden (Bourdieu et al, 2000). Bourdieu describes neo-liberalism as a ‘mental colonisation’ which operates globally. The sheer scale and pervasiveness of neo-liberalism and the many damaging effects it has, make it a pressing target for criticism – a project which Bourdieu has contributed much to. An economic system that rewards psychopathic personality traits has changed our ethics and personalities.3

For Bourdieu, neo-liberalism is deeply complicit in numerous types of symbolic violence. Not only does it ‘betray’ and abandon of all types of social work, but the ideals of individualisation and self-help serve to hide the role of neo-liberalism in the creation of suffering and “[make] it possible to ‘blame the victim’ who is entirely responsible for his or her own misfortune”. Thus, both social workers and those receiving help are denied much of the support they need and exposed to a logic which claims that their worsening situation (meaning tougher working conditions) is their own fault. Ultimately, neoliberalism acts as a veil that obscures systemic social relations of power in its quest to crown each person as an individual who is master of their own fate. It thereby becomes an overwhelmingly influential, yet cloaked and diffuse, discourse that persuades people to deny their interdependence with each other, as well as with the environment.

The neoliberal considers a particular use of symbolic violence to humiliate and crush one’s political opponents in public settings with the backing of institutional power. The current populist US president Donald Trump is such a case. His manipulation of language and of the television cameras are the two main elements of the symbolic warfare he wages against anyone who challenges his authority. His use of disparagement and ridicule, his conman-like manipulation of the interactional context and his use of Twitter to address his supporters directly, not only discredit the very institutions that have brought him to power but are raising fundamental questions as to the future of presidential power and democracy in the United States. This extraordinary abuse of power is leading the country to a constitutional crisis forcing Americans to rethink the very bases of their electoral system, the separation of powers of their government, and the undemocratic values promoted by their commander-in-chief.4

But Trump’s dark power is also playing out among a larger group – GOP lawmakers who disdain his strongman radicalism but are afraid to speak out against him because they think loyalty is the only way to save their political skins. The acquiescence of most Republicans has long enabled Trump’s assaults on the rule of law and shows little sign of hardening into opposition to the President. And it played out again when President Trump issued full commutations and pardons to those indicted and/or sentenced for the January 6th attack, GOP senators dodged calls to condemn Trump’s actions.  But appeasing Trump’s culture of violence is not limited to the RNC. In a continuing attempt to ignore the violent scenes, multiple Capitol Hill Republicans have whitewashed the truth of January 6. Many others have tried to obstruct the committee or mislead about its purpose. Pam Bondi, as new Attorney General, is disbanding anti-corruption teams, and ending FBI efforts to combat foreign influence in US politics, for some reason.

The framing of news stories is another example of symbolic violence. Media outlets often highlight stories in ways that reflect and reinforce societal power structures. For instance, the focus on crimes committed by minorities can perpetuate the stereotype of these groups as inherently criminal. Conversely, the achievements and positive contributions of these groups are often under-reported, contributing to a biased public perception and justifying discriminatory policies and practices. Advertising is replete with symbolic violence through its reinforcement of gender norms and beauty standards. Advertisements often depict women in subordinate roles or emphasize unrealistic beauty standards, contributing to body image issues and the internalization of gender roles. This not only affects women’s self-esteem and behavior but also perpetuates a societal structure that values women primarily for their appearance rather than their abilities or accomplishments.5

Rand popularity reappeared with the financial crash and the presidency of Barack Obama that followed. Spooked by the fear that Obama was bent on expanding the state, the Tea Party and others returned to the old-time religion of rolling back government. Neoliberalism has produced a broad landscape of cruelty, precarity, and disposability. The recent circulation of public narratives and public displays of cruelty and moral indifference continue to maim and suffocate the exercise of reason and social responsibility. What we have been witnessing in the United States since the 1980s and the Reagan-Thatcher disavowal of all things social is a kind of hardening of the culture marked by an increasing indifference to matters of empathy and an erasure of ethical considerations. Rand lionises the alpha male capitalist entrepreneur, the man of action who towers over the little people and the pettifogging bureaucrats – and gets things done.

The polarizing of American politics has its strongest roots in Rand’s classic, Atlas Shrugged, where a capitalist elite engage in a perpetual cultural warfare for the soul of America, fighting society’s “moochers, looters and parasites,” anyone and everyone demanding government money to solve their problems. But neoliberalism is more than a standard right wing wish list. It is a way of reordering social reality, and of rethinking our status as individuals. In short, neoliberalism is not simply a name for pro-market policies, or for the compromises with finance capitalism made just to support the autocracy. It is a name for a premise that, quietly, has come to regulate all we practice and believe: that the only a way of structuring all reality is the model of economic competition. Project 2025 includes Christian nationalists wish list for Trump’s second term. American democracy is at a dangerous inflection point, as Americans evaluate the long-term consequences of Trump’s recent mean-spirited policies outlined in a series of executive orders.

By choosing Rand’s theory of objectivism, which turns selfishness into virtue, libertarians get around the need to explain social Darwinism. Trump’s culture of cruelty views violence as a sacred means for addressing social problems and organizing society. His cabinet and donor lists are full of Rand fans who support neoliberal cruelty. For tycoons of the digital age, Vanity Fair suggests, Rand is the most influential figure in the industry. The Rand influence is manifest less in party political libertarianism than in a single-minded determination to follow a personal vision, regardless of the impact. Musk is following Rand’s golden rule, by which the visionary must never sacrifice himself to others. Project 2025 is symbolic warfare – installing oligarchical elites at the center of economic and state power, replacing symbolic political violence – voluntary submission to legally-sanctioned relations of domination resulting in and sustaining a social power imbalance. Americans are now in the streets protesting this confusion, chaos in their government.6

1  https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/ayn-rand-and-the-cruel-heart-of-neoliberalism/

2  https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/ayn-rand-and-the-cruel-heart-of-neoliberalism/

3 Pierre Bourdieu – Challenging Symbolic Violence and the Naturalisation of Power Relations  https://www.e-ir.info/pdf/181

4  https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/language-as-symbolic-power/when-symbolic-violence-turns-into-symbolic-warfare/4C360085F550A7953548590C3FACA36D

5 https://easysociology.com/sociological-perspectives/symbolic-interactionism/examples-of-pierre-bourdieus-symbolic-violence/

6  https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2017/09/the-obscure-economist-henry-george-ayn-rand?srsltid=AfmBOor8ILXn6c-in9d_4BeSZm2_17J82iNR0DIPjT3g_KIog48GWuco

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