QAnon emerged in October 2017 from cryptic internet postings purported to originate from a high-level US official. Drawing on almost all previous conspiracy theories, it asserts that Donald Trump is engaged in a secret war with a Satanic pedophile cabal, involving large parts of the liberal Democratic establishment and Hollywood. Soon, according to QAnon believers, “The Storm” is coming: Trump will arrest thousands of cabal members and intern them at Guantanamo Bay, while the US military will stage a coup. To a new generation of “influencers” on platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, unregulated and unverified purveyors of marketing and information, it became clear that conspiracy theories make money. Politicians, too, are feeding off the myth. According to the Economist, some 72 QAnon sympathizers have sought nominations for the Republican Party in elections in 2020. Arendt observes: they share in the ideologies of both Nazi Germany and the USSR – to promote irrationalism.1
Hannah Arendt writes of entire populations who “had reached the point where they would, at the same time, believe everything and nothing, think that everything was possible and that nothing was true.” She describes the masses’ escape from reality as ‘a verdict against the world in which they are forced to live and in which they cannot exist.’ She points out that in societies riddled with elite hypocrisy, ‘it seemed revolutionary to admit cruelty, disregard of human values, and general amorality, because this at least destroyed the duplicity upon which the existing society seemed to rest.’ Toward the end of her book, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt maintained that what makes a society vulnerable to takeover by authoritarians and totalitarians is loneliness. She defined loneliness as “the experience of not belonging to the world at all, which is among the most radical and desperate experiences of man (sic).”2
The basic experience underlying totalitarianism, the experience that continues today to make it likely that totalitarianism remains a constant concern, is loneliness, an alienation from political, social, and cultural life. “The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.” Arendt believed that totalitarian rulers crave complete control and use propaganda and rewriting of history to instill fear and loyalty in citizens. When you live in post truth society, you can’t do anything because if there is no truth there can be no coordination and therefore no action. Project 2025 is a plan to shatter democracy’s guardrails, giving presidents almost unlimited power to implement policies that will hurt everyday Americans and strip them of fundamental rights.
What prepares men for totalitarian domination in the non-totalitarian world is the fact that loneliness, once a borderline experience usually suffered in certain marginal social conditions like old age, has become an everyday experience of the ever-growing masses of our century. The most prevalent cause for loneliness is feeling disconnected. Many young adults spoke about being lonely because they felt unable to express themselves, their feelings or talk about their issues. They also talked about being lonely due to feeling they did not matter to others and were not understood. Challenges pertaining to social media and materialism in contemporary culture contribute to loneliness as does pressure associated with work, fitting in and social comparison. Social media play a major role in exacerbating these experiences. Cognitive discrepancy theory suggests that loneliness is a subjective, unpleasant, and distressing phenomenon stemming from a discrepancy between individuals’ desired and achieved levels of social relations.
With President Trump’s political rise in 2016, a movement emerged, entwined with Trump’s Make America Great Again (MAGA) branding. Today’s GOP is the totalitarian force it claims to oppose. The right’s intrusion into private life is exactly the characteristic of modern authoritarianism decried by 20th-century conservatives. The militant blurring of the private and public spheres is a signal characteristic of totalitarianism, as mid-century political thinkers understood it. Whatever else the Trumpian right may be, it is not at all squeamish about the politicization of private life. There’s a heightened sense on the American right that culture is the fulcrum of society and politics – “that you have to intensify the culture wars.” Trump’s own ongoing assault on the electoral structure of democracy is itself a brand of culture warfare, with sinister election workers and voting-machine makers undermining the rightful pride of place accorded to white nationalist rule in the American system.3
Arendt argues that power is communication not coercion and control: power radically differs from control, domination or violence in that it cannot be exercised over someone; it can only be exercised with others through communication and cooperation. You can’t launch a coordination from the top if you’ve got all these distracting little people exercising their thinking and voting, running around talking about pluralism.” Big money has always spoken loudly in American politics. The power elite control what you think through proxies who control information and communication, and through their lobbyists who influence what most of your politicians believe. In November 2024, America rebelled against political elites by again electing a self-proclaimed champion of the people, Donald Trump. Six months into a second mandate, it is now out in the open this government is more deeply in the pockets of lobbyists and billionaires than ever before.
Beyond appealing to the past, power also relies for its continued legitimacy on the rationally binding commitments that arise out of a process of free and undistorted communication. Because of this, power is highly independent of material factors: it is sustained not by economic, bureaucratic or military means, but by the power of common convictions that result from a process of fair and unconstrained deliberation. Power is also not something that can be relied upon at all times or accumulated and stored for future use. Rather, it exists only as a potential which is actualized when actors gather together for political action and public deliberation. It is thus closely connected to the space of appearance, that public space which arises out of the actions and speeches of individuals. Indeed, for Arendt, “power is what keeps the public realm, the potential space of appearance between acting and speaking men, in existence.”4
We do need the narratives, but the real danger is we need them even if they are not real. Applebaum gives the example of people who fall for QAnon conspiracies and their prophet Q because of their desperate need to be part of an ongoing story. They can now belong to a community in which their views are accepted and reinforced, but, even more importantly, they “have access to special and secret information that most Americans don’t have. So you’re a community that has special knowledge. You’ve been gifted with this special access to a different reality.” Authoritarians would have you think that they can do certain things better than their counterparts who have to deal with checks, balances, and public opinion. Authoritarian leaders share conspiracy theories to attack opponents, galvanize followers, shift blame, and undermine democratic institutions. Remember MAGA media’s conspiracy theories put Trump in power.
Epstein’s arrest and death became a central focus for QAnon followers, who saw them as proof of a hidden global elite engaged in child trafficking and protected by powerful institutions. The release – or withholding – of the Epstein files is often cited within QAnon movement circles as evidence of a broader cover-up by the so-called “deep state.” Over time, what started as a baseless conspiracy on obscure platforms has migrated into the mainstream. It has influenced rhetoric and policy debates, and even reshaped the American political landscape. The foundational belief of many of the QAnon followers is that Trump is a heroic figure fighting the elite pedophile ring. Die-hard members of Trump’s MAGA movement have long believed officials are hiding key truths about Epstein’s life and death. Trump is now on the defensive, struggling to close down speculation about deceptive or disproven conspiracy theories he once promoted, leading to speculation of what is actually in the Epstein files.
There has been a surge of media attention on the “loneliness plague” which the Information Age has wrought. The collapse of community perhaps explains the meteoric rise of “social” media. A recent study revealed that people who spent more time on social media were more likely to experience feelings of loneliness, especially if their motive for being on social media was to maintain contact with friends and family. The problem, of course, is that social media seems to be doing more to divide people than unite them – or in Arendt’s words, isolate humans “against each other.” In addition, loneliness may motivate people to adopt conspiracy beliefs in an attempt to gain community and a sense of social identity. Volunteering is a way out of the loneliness epidemic. Volunteering often provides a new perspective on the world. It can introduce us to new ideas, communities, and ways to be grateful for what we already have.
By increasing competition and by reducing people’s sense of connection to others, neoliberalism can increase loneliness and compromise our well-being. The exposure to neoliberal ideology increased loneliness and decreased well-being by reducing people’s sense of connection to others and by increasing perceptions of being in competition with others. Loneliness is feeding authoritarianism. To defend democracy and decency, we must build belonging. Authoritarianism is defeated by offering people a social contract that works again, so they don’t have to flee into the arms of strongmen for a sense of safety and security when societies are collapsing around them. Liberals throughout history have made this mistake again and again. In Nazi Germany, liberals didn’t offer people anything much – it was the Nazis, in fact, who promised them the world. The same was true in Soviet Russia. And unfortunately, it is happening again in America today.
2 https://www.womensordination.org/blog/2022/06/07/loneliness-and-authoritarianism/
3 https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/republican-totalitarianism/