How to Protect the Secret of the Forest

Trees are without a doubt the best carbon capture technology in the world. When they perform photosynthesis, they pull carbon dioxide out of the air, bind it up in sugar, and release oxygen. Trees use sugar to build wood, branches, and roots. Wood is an incredible carbon sink because it is mostly made of carbon (about 50%), it lasts for years as a standing tree, and takes years to break down after the tree dies. While trees mainly store carbon, they do release some carbon, such as when their leaves decompose, or their roots burn sugar to capture nutrients and water. Forests are an important carbon sink, since both trees and soils are able to store large amounts of carbon for a long time. However, carbon management is not just about deciding which trees to cut, but also where harvesting and planting occurs on the landscape. The Boreal Forest in Canada is the largest intact forest left on Earth.

The carbon that is sequestered in forests comes in many forms. For example, forest soils contain plant roots, leaf litter, and other dissolved organic material. The amount of carbon stored in forest soils is variable, and how much carbon soil can sequester is dependent on many local factors like geology, soil type, and vegetation. In some forests, like in Canada by the tundra, the soil holds more carbon than the trees, but in other forests, like the rainforest, the soil holds relatively little carbon and the trees store more carbon. This is because some soil types, like clay soils, can bind up a large amount of carbon, whereas sandy soils are not able to bind much carbon. Soils with more organic material (bits of wood, decaying leaves, or dead creatures) can store more carbon because organic material easily binds loose carbon molecules and the organic material itself is stored as carbon.

Forests in temperate climates, such as North America, offer an ideal middle-of-the-road solution. The trees grow relatively quickly and many species are long-lived. A recent NASA study estimates that tropical forests annually absorb 1.4 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide out of a total global absorption of 2.5 billion metric tons. Researchers say that this is more than the amount absorbed by the boreal forest in Canada, Siberia and other northern regions. Forests capture and store enormous amounts of carbon, preventing it from escaping into the atmosphere and intensifying climate change. The Boreal Forest in Canada alone holds about 12 percent of the world’s land-based carbon reserves. Most forests store carbon in living plants, but the boreal in Canada holds up to 95 percent of its carbon riches in soil, peatlands and permafrost – features that can accumulate and hold carbon over the course of thousands of years.1

Why is the Boreal Forest so important? This Boreal Forest is the largest intact forest left on Earth. It holds 25% of the world’s wetlands. It captures massive amounts of carbon, preventing the equivalent of up to 36 years’ worth of global carbon emissions from escaping into the atmosphere and intensifying climate change. Canada’s boreal forest (over 270 million hectares) stores carbon, purifies the air and water, and regulates the climate. Because a large portion of the world’s boreal zone lies in Canada (28% or 552 million hectares), thus this country’s boreal forest affects the health of the environment worldwide. Most of the carbon in the boreal forest is stored in the soil – in the deep layer of organic material that has fallen off of trees and plants over thousands of years. The Boreal Forest serves as a giant shield in the fight against climate change.

About 80% of the world’s remaining biodiversity is on lands managed by Indigenous Peoples. A University of British Columbia study looked at land and species data from Canada, Australia and Brazil and found that the number of birds, mammals, amphibians, and reptiles were highest on lands managed by Indigenous communities. In Canada, Indigenous Nations are already leading the biggest, most ambitious plans for sustaining healthy lands and waters. Three Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas (IPCA) created in the Northwest Territories since 2018 total over 50,000 sq km combined – about the size of Costa Rica. Scores of Indigenous Nations are in the process of creating additional IPCAs. Taken together, these proposed areas could conserve over 500,000 sq km. Harvesting is considered sustainable when decisions are based on silvicultural knowledge and follow a long-term management plan.

Ensuring Canada’s forests are a force for climate good is going to require a comprehensive, sophisticated, and sustained approach to fires and forest management. In spite of this vast potential, however, Canada’s forests have actually been a net source of carbon emissions for the better part of two decades, releasing into the air more carbon than they absorb, according to Natural Resources Canada data. In 2018, emissions from wildfires in B.C. alone were three times greater than the entire province’s annual carbon output. Currently, most fire management strategies do not include a focus on limiting carbon emissions from burning forests, which is by far the largest source of carbon emissions from Canadian forests in recent years. With hotter, drier summers increasingly the norm as climate change accelerates, minimizing as much as possible the number and severity of boreal forest fires becomes increasingly important, and will mean investing more in monitoring and fire suppression to limit fire size.

The amount of carbon released into the atmosphere from harvesting activity is small when compared to the amount released by forest fires through combustion and insect infestations that kill trees and cause premature decomposition. On average, areas affected by forest fires, for example, are 2.5 times larger than areas harvested, according to NRCan, representing a significant amount of carbon that goes up in smoke. The good news is that improved forest management can be a cost-effective way to meet climate targets. For example, a fire management regime in boreal forests that reduces the size of fires and their emissions could cost as little as $12 US per ton of carbon output avoided, according to Carly Phillips, the lead author of the Science Advances study. That is less per ton than generating electricity using solar panels or deploying other emissions-abatement technologies like carbon capture, utilization, and storage.

When a tree is harvested and milled into lumber, a small amount of that carbon escapes, but most of it remains trapped within the cellular structure of the wood, effectively prolonging the effect of sequestration. Replacing dying or low productivity stands can improve a forest’s ability to capture and store carbon and contribute to climate change mitigation. This can be done by planting tree mixes that are more resilient and protecting young sprouts from damage after harvest. A U.N. report explains that the largest GHG emission mitigation benefit, in the long term, comes not from reducing harvest volumes but from adopting a sustainable forest management strategy aimed at maintaining or increasing forest carbon stocks, while producing an annual yield of timber, fiber or energy from the forest. Clearcutting disturbs soils, wetlands, and peatlands, releasing their vast carbon stores, and diminishes the boreal forest’s ability to sequester carbon from the atmosphere.

The combination of the “better utilization” approach (increasing the utilization of wood harvested and ensuring that a higher percentage of residues are used as fiber inputs and/or in bioenergy production), along with promoting the development of products that can store carbon for longer, was by far the most effective strategy for most Canadian forest locations. Managing forests through the growth and harvest cycles can also have an important role in carbon mitigation efforts. Forest management practices that would help lower emissions include using wood left after harvesting and trimming, which is currently burned in slash piles, and protecting more primary forests from logging. Generally, clear cut logging exceeds mining industry in negative effects. However, extraction is an essential component of the global movement toward electrification, and new mining projects are appearing on the horizon. The ones affecting forests need to be reviewed closely.

Among terrestrial ecosystems and their habitats, forests have the highest carbon sequestration rates, reaching up to three times that of wetlands and agroecosystems. Wyloo Metals estimates that, along with the nickel that it owns in the Ring of Fire, an area larger than Rhode Island, and the deposits of platinum, palladium, copper and chromite could be worth $67 billion. These deposits of rare metals are buried under a swampy expanse of spruce forests and rivers in northern Ontario. Here lies one of the world’s richest untapped sources of nickel, copper and cobalt – metals that are essential for making the batteries that power electric vehicles. But these precious commodities are buried under a vast ecosystem of peat bogs, known by local groups as “the breathing lands” that holds more carbon per square foot, than even the Amazon rainforest. Digging them up could trigger the release of more greenhouse gas than Canada emits in one year, turning one of the earth’s biggest carbon sinks into a major source of emissions.

The Hudson Bay Lowlands are often cited as the second-largest peatland complex in the world, after the Western Siberian Lowlands in Russia. Ontario’s lowlands squirrel away 30 billion tonnes of carbon and soak up more from the atmosphere every year. With threats to the boreal forest only growing as the climate changes, protecting these important lands is more critical than ever before. The world is facing twin crises: rapid biodiversity loss and climate change. The size of the challenge demands that we work at an unprecedented pace to conserve the natural areas that are our life support systems. Our collective actions will determine the nature that will be saved, and the nature that will be lost. Canada has an important role to play in meeting this challenge.2

Our actions must include processes that reduce inputs. The mining industry uses a large amount of water and land in their operations. Collective actions in the Ring of Fire region must adopt low-impact mining techniques that include the ability to reduce surface disturbance at mining sites and lower soil erosion. Low-impact mining techniques such as in-situ leaching will minimise soil erosion, reducing surface disturbance as well as moving less material needing backfilling. This is a positive solution for both the mineworkers and our environment. Up-cycling transforms waste and unwanted products into new or alternative products. For example, waste rock can be used as a material in landscaping projects or tailings, a common by-product of the mineral recovery process, can be given new life in the form of resins and glass to bricks and cement. Water can easily be recycled for use in the dust suppression process.

Canada’s boreal forest is often called “The Lungs of the Earth.” Spanning almost 300 million hectares, it is the Earth’s largest terrestrial carbon sink, has some of the most intact forest left on Earth, and provides habitat for countless species of plants and animals, including over 300 species of birds. Its deep peatlands capture and store carbon at the highest rates of any northern ecosystem. Andrew Forrest, the Australian billionaire owner of the most promising mining assets in Ontario’s Ring of Fire region, says the viability of the critical minerals project is at risk because of Canada’s regulatory burden, its cumbersome consultation process and persistent delays in building crucial infrastructure. On the other hand, to protect the secret of the forest: it is necessary to reduce outputs, implement proper waste disposal, reusing mine waste, use eco-friendly equipment, and rehabilitate mining sites. Basically, the project begins with adopting such processes as lower-impact mining techniques like in-situ leaching mining that can reduce the environmental impact.3

1 https://www.borealforestfacts.com/?p=550

2 https://www.cbc.ca/news/science/what-on-earth-ring-of-fire-peatlands-1.6388489

3 https://republicofmining.com/2023/05/24/ring-of-fire-project-at-risk-due-to-red-tape-and-cumbersome-consultation-process-billionaire-owner-says-niall-mcgee-globe-and-mail-may-24-2023/

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How to Respond to Today’s Culture of Lying

Why do we lie? Lying allows a person to establish perceived control over a situation by manipulating it. It’s a defence mechanism that (seemingly) prevents them from being vulnerable, that is, to not open up and reveal their true self to another person. People with certain conditions – including narcissistic personality disorder and antisocial personality disorder – tend to act in manipulative or deceitful ways regardless of the consequences and upset it might cause. By some accounts, politicians’ lying is a rational response to the expectation that other candidates will engage in deceptive behavior.  Davis and Ferrantino theorize that lying is incentivized by the lack of transferable property rights to political office – it’s easier and faster to return a faulty used car than a faulty politician. Everything Nietzsche calls lies are ways of making something seem real which is not – including the negative case of not wanting to see something. Rather than worry about the fact that everyone lies, we should concern ourselves with the reasons why politicians lie.

One might say that dishonesty in politics is a long-standing tradition – politicians with a greater willingness to lie have a better chance of being re-elected. Plato proposed a justification for politicians’ lying in The Republic: “Then if anyone at all is to have the privilege of lying, the rulers of the State should be the persons; and they, in their dealings either with enemies or with their own citizens, may be allowed to lie for the public good.” As a detractor of democracy, he likely cared little whether the public would be able to detect such deception. While such a “royal lie” would be beneficial to philosopher kings, for actual politicians, the “public good” casts a wide net. Many politicians have clearly benefitted from telling voters what they want to hear or what they want to believe, and history is filled with examples of politicians lying to cover up crime and corruption.1

What happens when a lie hits your brain? The now-standard model was first proposed by Harvard University psychologist Daniel Gilbert more than 20 years ago. Gilbert argues that people see the world in two steps. First, even just briefly, we hold the lie as true: We must accept something in order to understand it. For instance, if someone were to tell us – hypothetically, of course – that there had been serious voter fraud in Georgia during the presidential election, we must for a fraction of a second accept that fraud did, in fact, take place. Only then do we take the second step, either completing the mental certification process (yes, fraud!) or rejecting it (what? no way). Unfortunately, while the first step is a natural part of thinking – it happens automatically and effortlessly – the second step can be easily disrupted. It takes work: We must actively choose to accept or reject each statement we hear.

In certain circumstances, that verification of a lie simply fails to take place. As Gilbert writes, human minds, “when faced with shortages of time, energy, or conclusive evidence, may fail to unaccept the ideas that they involuntarily accept during comprehension.” The narcissist gradually wears down your self-awareness and self-trust, leaving you vulnerable to their manipulations. The most common signs of cognitive dissonance include: Doubting your own memory or recollection of events, conversations, and experiences; second-guessing decisions and choices. Pathological liars can’t stop lying even when it causes psychological distress, puts them in danger, and creates problems with relationships, work, or other aspects of daily life. Those who have followed Trump’s career say his lying isn’t just a tactic, but an ingrained habit. Donald Trump has been a pathological liar all his life, and now he is finally facing accountability via the court system.2

Cognitive-dissonance is just one of many biases that work in our everyday lives. We don’t like to believe that we may be wrong, so we may limit our intake of new information or thinking about things in ways that don’t fit within our pre-existing beliefs. Psychologists call this “confirmation bias.” People may run into problems with cognitive dissonance because it can be, in its most basic form, a sort of lie to oneself. As with all lies, it depends on the size of the lie and whether it’s more likely to hurt you in some way in the long run. We tell “little white lies” everyday in our social lives (“Oh yes, that’s a great color on you!”) that bring little harm to either side and help smooth over otherwise awkward situations. So, while cognitive dissonance resolves the internal anxiety we face over two opposing beliefs or behaviors, it may also inadvertently reinforce future bad decisions.

Lying can significantly increase the chances of creating false memories as the most persuasive lies often combine elements of both truth and falsehoods. For instance, a criminal offender may provide a false alibi for an event by including elements of a true experience that did not occur during the time in question. As a result, while the event itself may have happened, it did not take place during the time the crime was committed. This combining and later remembering of details about both the true and false versions of events requires considerable cognitive effort on the part of the liar but is necessary to maintain the deception. To decrease this cognitive load, the brain subconsciously starts to think of the fabricated information as the truth, eliminating the need for the liar to keep track of conflicting storylines (Otgaar & Baker, 2018). Thus, the creation of false memories is demonstrated as a subconscious process that decreases the cognitive load typically associated with telling a lie.3

Of course, many of Trump’s lies are conventional lies similar to those that politicians often tell to look good or avoid blame. But the number of these types of lies by Trump vastly exceed the number of lies by previous presidents. Our brains are particularly ill-equipped to deal with lies when they come not singly but in a constant stream, and Trump, we know, lies constantly, about matters as serious as the election results and as trivial as the tiles at Mar-a-Lago. When we are overwhelmed with false, or potentially false, statements, our brains pretty quickly become so overworked that we stop trying to sift through everything. It’s called cognitive load – our limited cognitive resources are overburdened. It doesn’t matter how implausible the statements are; throw out enough of them, and people will inevitably absorb some. Eventually, without quite realizing it, our brains just give up trying to figure out what is true. These efforts are key response to a culture of lying in elections.

Thus, if Trump has a particular untruth he wants to propagate – not just an undifferentiated barrage – he simply states it, over and over. As it turns out, sheer repetition of the same lie can eventually mark it as true in many of our heads. It’s an effect known as illusory truth, first discovered in the ’70s and most recently demonstrated with the rise of fake news. In its original demonstration, a group of psychologists had people rate statements as true or false on three different occasions over a two-week period. Some of the statements appeared only once, while others were repeated. The repeated statements were far more likely to be judged as true the second and third time they appeared – regardless of their actual validity. Keep repeating that there was serious voter fraud, and the idea begins to seep into people’s heads. Thus, Trump’s lies corrode democracy.

People lie to have control over you. People lie to manipulate you. People lie because they are afraid they’re desires will not be met. In 2018 Bernie Saunders called Donald Trump a “pathological liar” who “works night and day on behalf of his fellow billionaires.” Trump is a successful liar because he refuses to remember. When Trump is facing a potentially very bad news cycle his move is to: distract, divert, repeat – to move the problem out of the public eye. Lies can be used to get others to form false beliefs and garner their support. It is well known that false information can influence people’s thinking even after they come to realize the information is false. The cure for the present epidemic of narcissism is for us to stop lying to ourselves about what we think we know.

Trump won the nomination as the candidate who lied the most, won the presidency as someone known to lie; has an unshakable base despite ongoing lies. Cognitive biases reflect mental patterns that can lead people to form beliefs or make decisions that do not reflect an objective and thorough assessment of the facts. For instance, people tend to seek out information that confirms pre-existing beliefs and reject information that challenges those beliefs. This bias is the tendency in all of us to believe stories that reinforce our convictions – and the stronger the convictions, the more powerfully the person feels the pull of the confirmation bias. The problem is exacerbated by voters’ strong incentive to be “rationally ignorant” of politics. Widespread voter ignorance also incentivizes another common type of political deception: lying about the nature of your policies in order to overstate benefits and conceal possible downsides. An ignorant electorate cannot achieve true democratic control over public policy.

Truth, much like knowledge, is bound to power and similarly operates amidst the individuals and institutions that generate and sustain it. The economic elite do not hesitate to present their ideology as interpretation of truth. The “truth” the market reveals is never in actuality some eternal, given fact. The market is never a neutral arbiter of truth, so the “truth” it reveals about government practice has always required interpretation. Nietzsche believed, one should be conscious of the illusory nature of what is considered truth, thus opening up the possibility of the creation of new values. It is necessary to create the social environment or milieu to support good governance to control cognitive dissonance and the consequent balancing of perception that leads to misperception. The truth is that capitalism creates enormous wealth, but it concentrates into oligopolies and monopolies, to the extent the economic elite creates and normalizes a culture of lying to itself leading to its inherent instability.

Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) claimed there are no facts only interpretations. In his view there was no objective fact about what has value in itself – culture consisted of beliefs developed to perpetuate a particular power structure. The system, if followed by the majority of the people, supports the interests of the dominant class. Basically, the status of Trump’s lies will determine the outcome of the 2024 election in America. To respond to this culture of lying: The tech platforms must get more aggressive about policing content; put in place robust cybersecurity and infrastructure security arm; maintain a central authority to report false and misleading information; a system to manage “rumour control” during election day to address questions on conspiracy theories circulating in the community; resources to combat false information on line (review the effect of layoffs in tech industry); counter the ongoing weaponized criticism of research on misinformation4 (i.e. Jim Jordan’s efforts).

1https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8378529/

2 https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/01/donald-trump-lies-liar-effect-brain-214658/

3 https://www.psychologyinaction.org/lying-can-reconstruct-memory-how-we-come-to-believe-our-own-lies/

4 https://www.npr.org/2023/11/10/1211929764/election-false-claims-social-media-cisa-trump

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 Angry People: On the Road to Anarchy?

Thomas Hobbs (1588-1679) identifies three reasons conflicts appear – competition, distrust, and the desire for glory – that throw humankind into a state of war (i.e. chaos), which is for Hobbes the natural condition of human life, the situation that exists whenever natural passions are unrestrained. Hobbes is famous for his early and elaborate development of what has come to be known as “social contract theory”, the method of justifying political principles or arrangements by appeal to the agreement that would be made among suitably situated rational, free, and equal persons. Thomas Hobbes and other early social contract theorists argued that the state emerges in response to natural anarchy in order to protect the people’s interests and keep order. Hobbes believed that the social contract was designed to invest absolute power in a ruler to govern the citizenry. Locke believed that the social contract meant investing some power in the hands of the ruler, whose power would be used to protect his citizens’ human rights.

Around the turn of the 21st century, anarchism grew in popularity and influence as part of the anti-war, anti-capitalist and anti-globalization movements. Anarchists became known for their involvement in protests against the meetings of the WTO, G8 and the World Economic Forum. Anarchism is a political philosophy and movement that is skeptical of all justifications for authority and seeks to abolish the institutions it claims maintain unnecessary coercion and hierarchy, typically including nation-states, and capitalism. In 2020, Trump’s Fourth of July remarks, “We are now in the process of defeating the radical left, the Marxists, the anarchists, the agitators, the looters and people who in many instances have absolutely no clue what they are doing.” Trump floats pulling federal money from ‘anarchist’ cities, in particular, places that he said are not letting police enforce laws. President Trump wants us to believe anarchists are responsible for America’s sorry state.

The historic anarchist movement is identified with a workers’ movement which flourished from the 1860s down to the close of the 1930s. Anarchism is usually grounded in moral claims about the importance of individual liberty, often conceived as freedom from domination. Anarchists also offer a positive theory of human flourishing, based upon an ideal of equality, community, and non-coercive consensus building. Anarchists disdain the customary use of ‘anarchy’ to mean ‘chaos’ or ‘complete disorder’: for them it signifies the absence of rulers in a self-managed society, more highly organized than the disorganization and chaos of the present. The historic anarchist movement of the late-nineteenth century was therefore distinguished from the rest of the international movement of organised labour by its rejection of state intervention from above in favour of self-organisation from below, as well as by its rejection of constitutional protest in favour of direct action.

The narcissistic anarchist is an off-compass libertarian unity ideology that advocates the individual has the right to focus on himself and improve himself as he wants, such as even use others for his own benefit. Anarchists consider the state as a tool of domination and believe it to be illegitimate regardless of its political tendencies. Instead of people being able to control the aspects of their life, major decisions are taken by a small elite. Noam Chomsky, probably the most prominent American anarchist, believes the philosophy’s appeal comes from the “discontent of people feeling they have no control over the decisions that concern them.” Today, most anarchists say they strive to transform society from within, working toward a day when government will shrivel and disappear. But anarchist views are spreading among young activists, largely because of the anti-globalization movement that undermines local decision making.

Despite his claim to be “the only thing standing between the American Dream and total anarchy”, it is clear that Trump is the real anarchist. He aspires to one man rule ability to sow disarray, certainly within his own party, and gradually throughout the country. Of course, he wants to accrue power, which may be what misled us into thinking he was a potential fascist. Like most strongmen, he wants to do harm to the less powerful – to wit, immigrants and the poor – but it may be no accident that even his attempts at strong-arming turn out to have the opposite effect: chaos. What has happened in America over the past five years is exactly what we should expect to happen when the person in charge has no stated beliefs other than his self-interest, and little agenda other than tearing down the accomplishments of others.

On a more political level, during the pandemic we saw more and more individuals who were shut out of the American dream. They are angry about it and frustrated about it. Anger is a vital emotion. It lets us know where our boundaries are and what we stand for. Without anger, we would be passive and overly accommodating, so it’s really important to listen to the emotion. Ignoring it will not make it go away. Anger is like a spring inside our body. If we push it down and try to squash or suppress it, all that happens is that we become even tenser. Instead, it is important for us to learn ways to recognize and manage our anger so that it can be transformed into something useful. Anxiety and anger are key motivating factors underlying support for populists, although they are of course no strangers to promoting fear and other negative emotions, thus emotions shape politics.

Who are Trump’s supporters? When you look around, Republicans today are really anarchists dedicated to undermining government in the furtherance of an economic state of nature where the rich rule. By undoing government, this anarchism undoes the only protection most Americans have against the depredations of the Trumps of this world and against the often cruel vicissitudes of life, like health crises. Take away government, and you strip away those protections. Also, take away government, and you also enable Trump and his fellow plutocrats to further enrich themselves because there would no mechanism to stop them. This has long been the Republican way: greed disguised as a fear of government overreach. Again, Republicans and their presidential anarchist ally can undo things, as they have done with environmental protection. Anarchy is incorporated in their policy. Fascism, on the other hand, requires a program and unity of purpose. Instead, America is careening toward the first industrialized state of anarchy.

Trump won the nomination as the candidate who lied the most, won the presidency as someone known to lie; has an unshakable base despite ongoing lies. Underlying social issues made this possible. All workplaces, however harmonious they appear, contain a relatively high number of employees who are disillusioned or angry at what they see as real, hurtful and relevant issues of serious dissatisfaction with their lot. Resentment as a cultural response to economic struggle has political consequences. Because of growing disillusionment and anger students and workers voted for leaders outside the mainstream party candidates during the 2016 presidential primary elections – the consequence of being left behind by soaring inequality and the failure of government to deliver. Donald Trump figured out how to harness their disillusionment and growing anger. Trump appeals to resentment that ultimately rests on economic failure: working-class whites have been left behind by soaring inequality (but they mistakenly blame emigrants taking their jobs).

Trump promotes many lies about a so-called stolen election. These just happened to occur in swing states. These false claims included fraudulent totals in Philadelphia, a truckload of ballots being driven from New York to Pennsylvania, false claims about Dominion voting technology (in particular, in Georgia), a false claim about non-citizens voting in Arizona, the false story about election workers in Georgia, a false claim about Dominion machines in Michigan. The Jan. 6 riot was fueled by Trump’s ‘lies’ about 2020, special counsel, Jack Smith, alleges. Remember, Trump promised to blow things up; now he has. That Wednesday in January will be remembered as a day that brought a frightening and predictable culmination to two months of lies by the president. The world media reaction to chaos as a pro-Trump mob storms the Capitol with the common theme: “Anarchy in America”.

Workers have always been exploited, but that rate of exploitation – measured by the productivity wage gap that is today’s reality – is increasing exponentially. Workers today have a good reason to be angry. However, anger is power. It’s red. It’s heat. Anger is movement and sound. Anger is a force for change, a force of strength. Since Reagan years, the social contract has always been broken. Governments have largely failed to uphold their end of the social contract: to guarantee safety, offer protection, uphold rights, fight inequality and act in the best interest of all people. We need to channel anger for positive change. Instead of being a destructive state, anger can be a potent force of nature that can move us forward and fuel optimism, problem-solving, and creative brainstorming. In other words, if we want to make a change, we need the powerful motivational push that anger can provide.

Let us review Hobbes’s picture of human nature: We are needy and vulnerable. We are easily led astray in our attempts to know the world around us. Our capacity to reason is as fragile as our capacity to know; it relies upon language and is prone to error and undue influence. When we act, we may do so selfishly or impulsively or in ignorance, on the basis of faulty reasoning or bad theology or others’ emotive speech. To address this uncertainty and insecurity, we turn to a social contract, basically, freedom is good, but security is better. Thomas Hobbes’ social contract theory, especially the idea of the state of nature, is a cornerstone of Western philosophy. It marks a philosophical shift from the divine right of kings to a social consensus as a legitimizing force behind state powers. His philosophy helps us ask important questions about power, limits, and the potential pitfalls of democracy.1

Rousseau (1712-1778) argued that inequality was not only unnatural, but that – when taken too far – it made decent government impossible. He believed laws should pursue freedom and equality. People need to feel their vote produces something and their voice is worth something. This includes the idea that society exists because of an implicitly agreed-to set of standards that provide moral and political rules of behavior. The system must address three fundamental challenges: familiar elements of the safety net, such as social insurance and pension benefits, need to address a new set of circumstances, such as the need for people to re-skill during much longer working lives. Second, social contracts must be relevant in a world being reshaped by technological revolutions, and the transition to a clean energy economy. Third, a modern social contract must tackle the inequality and exclusion that plague societies in all corners of the world.2

1 https://iep.utm.edu/hobmoral/

2 https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2022/01/a-new-social-contract-for-21st-century/

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How Climate Change and Economic Equity Are Related

Since the Industrial Revolution, emissions of greenhouse gases due to human activities have increased from a negligible level to more than 40 billion tons a year. As these emissions have accumulated in our atmosphere, they have increased the average annual temperature by about 1 degree Celsius compared with the pre-industrial era. Temperature increases have led to glaciers and ice caps melting, sea levels rising, and more frequent and extreme meteorological events, such as heat waves and droughts, with cascading effects on ecosystems, agricultural yields, human health, and livelihoods. While the effects of climate change are global, and their projected impacts concern every area in the world, a wide scientific literature suggests that climate risks disproportionately affect the poorest countries and people, who are more exposed and more vulnerable to their impacts. Another narrative, climate science denial and greenwashing, has been to quash all immediate impulse to respond to perceived crisis and buy time for commercial interests to construct some other eventual market solution to global warming.

Greenhouse gas emissions today are mainly linked to the level of a nation’s wealth: the richest countries represent only 16 percent of the world population but almost 40 percent of CO2 emissions. The two categories of the poorest countries in the World Bank classification account for nearly 60 percent of the world’s population, but for less than 15 percent of emissions. On a per capita basis, emissions are about 20 metric tons of CO2-equivalent a person a year in the United States – approximately double the amount per person in the European Union or in China, and almost 10 times the amount in India. The world’s wealthiest 10% were responsible for around half of global emissions in 2015, according to a 2020 report. The top 1% were responsible for 15% of emissions, nearly twice as much as the world’s poorest 50%, who were responsible for just 7% and will feel the brunt of climate impacts despite bearing the least responsibility for causing them.

In recent decades, global economic growth has lifted millions out of extreme poverty and reduced inequalities between countries. But unmanaged climate change threatens to set back that progress by damaging poverty eradication efforts worldwide, and disproportionately affecting the poorest regions and people. Mitigating climate change is a necessary condition for sustainably improving living standards around the world. At the same time, distributive and procedural justice must be at the forefront of every stage of environmental policy making. But even as time runs out for tackling climate change, many governments balk at behaviour-change policies fearing they will be politically toxic to voters and unpalatable to the rich. The control that the wealthiest have over governments through lobbying and hefty donations gives them huge influence to dilute climate action and shape the choices available for everyone, says Dario Kenner.1 Climate equity is the goal of recognizing and addressing the unequal burdens made worse by climate change, while ensuring that all people share the benefits of climate protection efforts.

Fearing strong state regulation that would be needed to address global warming, Big Oil and neoliberal think-tanks joined forces to peddle disinformation on the science of climate change. The template to follow was the good job that think-tanks did in denying the link between second hand smoke and lung cancer – that was fully funded by big tobacco companies – and adopt this model to create denial, doubt, confusion. Over time, as people began to see through these basic lies over climate change, these think-tanks largely backed off trying to convince people climate change was a hoax, rather focused on falsehoods such as anthropogenic climate change is natural, inconsequential (or beneficial), and/or too expensive to fix anyway. We need to embed a concern with climate change into people’s everyday lives, while recognizing the formidable problems involved in doing so: Indirect means may sometimes be the best way. For instance, the public may be more responsive to a drive for energy efficiency or renewable resources than to warnings about the dangers of climate change.

Most carbon pricing systems today have tended to increase cost of food and other basic items and add to inflation. Basically, carbon pricing has failed because the economic burden falls primarily on low-income households, a charge that can be leveled against any market or price mechanism used to allocate a scarce resource. This is why all modern economies have extra stress on social programs to address these equity concerns. Lewis Akenji observes: Individual actions won’t be enough to tackle climate change, and guilt and shame won’t help. But choices and actions do matter. “I think we should all become political activists in one way or another,” he says. “What we’re going to do is very deliberately and decisively go after our governments and ask them to live up to their commitments.” Policymakers must guarantee that adaptation policies will actually benefit those most in need and will not be hijacked by the wealthiest or by political interests.1

To meet the global target of keeping warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius, humanity must significantly reduce carbon emissions, which will necessitate radical changes in how investors and corporations conduct business and public policy. “We need COP27 to expose and change the role that big corporates and their rich investors are playing in profiting from the pollution that is driving the global climate crisis,” says Nafkote Dabi, Climate Change Lead at Oxfam. “They can’t be allowed to hide or greenwash. We need governments to tackle this urgently by publishing emission figures for the richest people, regulating investors and corporates to slash carbon emissions and taxing wealth and polluting investments.” The longer we delay emission reduction, the more robust and disruptive policy reactions will be once societies are forced to face the implications of global warming. The politics of climate change to cope with global warming requires a long-term perspective be introduced.2

What else links climate change and inequities? “A few billionaires (corporations) together have ‘investment emissions’ that equal the carbon footprints of entire countries like France, Egypt or Argentina,” claims Dabi “The major and growing responsibility of wealthy people for overall emissions is rarely discussed or considered in climate policy making.” These billionaire investors at the top of the corporate pyramid have huge responsibility for driving climate breakdown. The evidence is mounting: a World Bank report estimated that an additional 68 to 135 million people could be pushed into poverty by 2030 because of climate change. As the poorest tend to be excluded from the decision-making process, there is always a risk of underinvestment in actions that would be particularly beneficial to them. Policies need to be tailored to ensure they do not impose undue financial constraints on those who have the fewest resources.2

A number of theoretical explanations have been proposed for why inequality might raise per capita greenhouse gas emissions, including: 1) inequality exacerbates the ability of the wealthy – who benefit more and suffer less from environmental degradation – to protect their interests within social decision-making processes; 2) inequality reduces cohesion, cooperation, and trust, potentially inhibiting collective action to protect the environment; 3) inequality impedes diffusion of green innovations to the mass market; and 4) inequality leads to Veblen effects whereby consumption of energy-intensive goods and services increases as individuals aim to emulate and compete with the status-based consumption of the wealthy. The outstanding challenge then: how economic inequality itself could be a significant driver of higher greenhouse gas emissions?3

Neoliberalism blames the individual consumer for producing carbon emissions, choosing to ignore the socioeconomic factors that propagate climate inequality in minority groups. This has resulted in environmental degradation and wealth inequality, preventing any possibility of collective action. Since 1988, one-hundred companies alone are solely responsible for 71% of total global emissions. We are instructed by corporations to internalize and blame ourselves for global warming, as they force idyllic neoliberal promises down our throats. The right time to confront climate change was decades ago, but neoliberalism has continued to block political and legislative action, turning science into a political debate. Climate change demands unprecedented public cooperation and coordination. To lower emissions, we must return privatized utilities to public control, regulate companies to phase out fossil fuels, implement a carbon tax, allocate more money to increase community resistance to climate change, and emphasize renewable energy.

Public participation recognizes that everyone has something important to say and gives everyone a voice. Almost half a century ago, scientists and technical experts dominated national and global discussions on environmental change. Today, the role of people, particularly a progressive private sector and civil society, contributes to a diversity of voices that are fresh, vocal and innovative. The leading sustainability data provider found that the efforts of just 22% of the world’s 500 biggest public companies by market value are aligned with the Paris Agreement, aimed at limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. That’s a measly gain from 18% of firms in 2018. Mainstreaming climate reporting among corporations is key for setting or monitoring emission reduction goals. Companies that gain a holistic view of how climate change affects their performance and bottom line through adopting this framework can act as examples.

Where can we turn? Governments should implement a wealth tax on the richest people and an additional steep rate top-up on wealth invested in polluting industries. It will also raise billions that can be used to help countries cope with the brutal impacts of climate breakdown and the loss and damage they incur and fund the global shift to renewable energy. Corporations must put in place ambitious and time-bound climate change action plans with short-to-medium term targets in line with global climate change objectives in a view to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. We must beware of the increase in greenwashing incidents (the process of conveying a false impression, making unsubstantiated claims, or publishing misleading information about how a company’s products are environmentally sound or how the company will achieve its environmental objectives, such as net zero) over the previous years.

By hitting the poorest hardest, climate change risks both increasing existing economic inequalities and causing people to fall into poverty. In summary, the individual action that matters most is voting. Climate change is a problem governments will solve, not individuals. As we move to a low carbon world, those with the greatest responsibility for having got us here must be held to account. That’s starting with the fossil fuel, agribusiness, cement and concrete, and mining industries, plus their financial backers. Moving to open and accessible renewable energy, restoring forests and shifting to sustainable agriculture will not only address the climate and nature emergencies, but it will also reverse the gross imbalance between rich and poor, those who can afford to adapt and those who can’t. Addressing the climate crisis gives us the opportunity and mandate to reorient our societies towards protecting our human rights and repairing political, social and economic inequities.

1 https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20211025-climate-how-to-make-the-rich-pay-for-their-carbon-emissions

2 https://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/billionaire-emits-million-times-more-greenhouse-gases-average-person

3 https://lpeproject.org/blog/climate-change-and-the-neoliberal-imagination/

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The Path to Equitable Energy Transition

In the 19th century Bentham recognized the exploitive character of the capitalist relationship. Inequality and inequity are not interchangeable. Inequity is unfair, avoidable differences arising from poor governance, corruption, or cultural exclusion. It is the result of human failure giving rise to avoidable deaths and disease. It is necessary to focus on the economy with its multifaceted connections to social issues. Inequities reduce the freedom and opportunities for an individual to reach their full potential in general, and wellness or good health, in particular. Inequity is the biggest factor affecting the health of the population. People who live in poor housing that is energy inefficient, with instable and low-quality employment are more likely to suffer from poor health. These factors which contribute to poor health also contribute to increased risk for energy poverty. Thus, social determinants of health are an important predictor and determinant of energy poverty.

Poverty is about not having enough money to meet basic needs including food, clothing and shelter. Poverty is a root cause of homelessness and those affected most by poverty such as Aboriginal peoples, recent immigrants, young families with children, women and especially single mothers are also the ones facing housing insecurity. Housing insecurity can affect anyone, but disproportionately affect lower income families, as they often have to pay higher proportions of their income on cost of rent and utilities. Poverty means not being able to heat your home, pay your rent, or buy the essentials for your children. It means waking up every day facing insecurity, uncertainty, and impossible decisions about money. It means facing marginalisation – and even discrimination – because of your financial circumstances. The constant stress it causes can lead to problems that deprive people of the chance to play a full part in society.

By definition alone, the concept of poverty is pretty vague. That’s why there are different ways of measuring poverty, such as, income below minimal income standard getting by day by day but under pressure, difficult to mange unexpected costs and events. At 75% of MIS (minimum income standard): not enough income that falls substantially short of a decent standard of living with a high chance of not meeting needs. Then there are the destitute who can’t afford to eat, keep clean and stay warm and dry. Energy poverty is usually defined in energy studies in two ways: lack of access to electricity and dependence of the household energy needs on burning solid biomass using inefficient and polluting ways. Energy poverty has a range of impacts – and older people, especially if they have health issues and limited income, are particularly vulnerable. The most concerning impacts are food insecurity, inability to purchase essential items, poor health due to thermal discomfort and social exclusion.

Energy poverty manifests itself in a high percentage of income spent covering energy bills, increased risk of electricity shutoffs, and a household’s inability to maintain comfortable indoor temperatures or use desired services (e.g., air conditioning, heat, computers). An often-overlooked space in energy poverty analysis lies in the cavity between metrics that measure financial stress (energy burden defined as energy expenditure over total income) and complete lack of energy services (utility shutoffs). Within this cavity are the households which limit their energy consumption to reduce financial strain. While energy poverty relates to household factors such as low income, occupancy, and the needs and practices of household members, it is also caused by factors external to the household including the energy inefficiency of the dwelling and of appliances, the type of energy supply, and its cost. In many studies energy poverty is “defined as households that spend more than 10 percent of their income on home energy”.

The capital expenditure needed to improve the energy efficiency of the dwelling is what distinguishes energy poverty from poverty: while increased incomes can lift households out of poverty, it may not lift them out of energy poverty if they still cannot afford, or have no control over (in the case of renters), improving the energy efficiency of their dwelling. Thus, while related, energy poverty is not just a problem of low income. In theory, the revenues from a carbon tax capable of achieving a 2°C target will be large enough to fund substantial policies that can promote equity and protect vulnerable populations. Large benefits will occur even if some revenues are lost to administrative costs or are saved to fund other programs, and they can make the poorest citizens net beneficiaries this decade. Capping fossil fuel prices hurts the climate and is socially unbalanced, as richer people derive higher benefits.

Recycling carbon pricing revenues back to all citizens could yield benefits for low-income households that exceed higher energy costs.  The effect of a carbon tax on the economy would depend on the revenue uses of the policy; without accounting for how the revenues from a carbon tax would be used, such a tax would have a negative effect on the economy. Energy poverty concerns are not just a temporary issue related to the war in Ukraine. Rather, measures to achieve ambitious climate targets, such as pricing greenhouse gas emissions, can also be expected to raise energy prices in the long term. One study suggests, the more carbon pricing revenues are recycled to citizens, the more progressive the scheme becomes. If half of the revenues are recycled, the poorest 20% of the EU population would even turn into net beneficiaries; that is, they would receive transfers exceeding the additional spending needed to cover higher energy prices.

On the other hand, Bloomberg Green reports, a levy on carbon “would risk disproportionately hurting the world’s poorest households that are already suffering the most from global warming. That’s because they tend to spend a larger share of their income on gas, heat, and other emissions-generating activities.” This is the basis of an argument against a carbon tax. For example, a carbon tax on fossil fuels is often regressive in its impact- hurting poorer people relatively more than richer ones. Even when it might be progressive, poorer people still suffer a welfare loss when prices rise, making their consumption basket more expensive. With the price of food and the carbon tax increasing over time, low-income households spend a large share of their total expenditure on food and are less able to adjust to price changes; therefore, they suffer more welfare loss due to price changes. The poor population is more susceptible to the impacts from both climate change damage and abatement.

The neoliberals have been so good at covering their tracks, obscuring what they stand for, and denying the level of coherence which they have achieved in their long march to legitimacy. Neoliberal newspeak claims the free market should dominate virtually all aspects of society, that regulations should be dismantled, and that individual liberty should eclipse all other considerations of fairness, equity, or community welfare. More and more people live with the poverty and job insecurity that flows directly from inequities exacerbated by neoliberal welfare and austerity policies. The ideas of the neoliberal thought collective led to a neglect of social goods not captured by economic indicators, an erosion of democracy, an unhealthy promotion of unbridled individualism and social Darwinism, along with economic inefficiency. In England, the school of Bentham and Mill – utilitarian or philosophical radicals – attacked existing institutions in the name of the greatest good of the greatest number, and succeeded in reforming the top-heavy legal system.

Bentham claims that “liberty is the absence of restraint” and so, to the extent that one is not hindered by others one has liberty and is “free.” Given that pleasure and pain are fundamental to – indeed provide – the standard of value for Bentham, liberty is good (because it is ‘pleasant’) and the restriction of liberty is an evil (because it is painful). Law, which is by its very nature, is a restriction of liberty and painful to those whose freedom is restricted. He recognized that law is necessary for social order and good laws are clearly essential to good government. He saw the positive role to be played by law and government, particularly in achieving community well-being. Bentham rejected “natural rights” claiming ‘real rights’ are fundamentally legal rights, that exist in law. In addition, Bentham recognized that there are some services that are essential to the happiness of an individual and that cannot be left to others to fulfill as they see fit, and so these individuals must be compelled to fulfill them.

Bentham criticized those in power for pursuing their own narrow, socially destructive goals, instead of pursuing happiness for all. His solution was to establish democratic rule by the whole society, rather than by a select class. For Bentham, the legitimate functions of government are social reform and the establishment of the conditions most conductive to promoting the greatest happiness, for the greatest number of people. But there are also behaviors and choices people make that can influence their well-being. First and foremost, addressing equity is not just a conversation about diversity, equity and inclusion, but rather it is about the systems change that needs to happen to address real inequity. Equity is achieving fairness and balance in access to environmental resources (e.g., green space, safe neighborhoods, healthy homes, healthy fisheries), in bearing environmental burdens (e.g., pollution in air, water and on land), and in participating in environmental decision-making.

Putting a price on carbon pollution is widely recognized as the most efficient method to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and drive innovation, but it can translate to heftier home heating and electrical bills.  Energy poverty in countries like Canada may force families to choose between buying groceries or paying rent and heating their homes. Energy poverty also impacts the health of those living in the household – it is directly and indirectly associated with cardio-vascular and respiratory diseases, mental health, and more frequent occurrences of minor illnesses, such as colds and flus. In extreme cases, where heating is disconnected, energy poverty can lead to hypothermia and eviction. While energy poverty relates to household factors such as low income, occupancy, and the needs and practices of household members, it is also caused by factors external to the household including the energy inefficiency of the dwelling and of appliances, the type of energy supply, and its cost.

It is necessary to formally recognize energy poverty as a problem distinct from general poverty at the federal level, in order to develop effective responses. Formal recognition provides an ambitious policy objective with outcomes that matter at the household level. Equitable energy transition requires a definition: a fuel poor household as one which needs to spend more than 10% of its income on all fuel use and to heat its home to an adequate standard of warmth. Key fuel poverty policies should centre on: (1) design indicators that adequately assess the needs of beneficiaries and describe the living conditions of families and communities, who are targeted by such programmes and initiatives, (2) targeted energy efficiency retrofits to support low-income households with high energy costs and, (3) set statutory energy poverty reduction targets to ensure energy poverty remains high on the policy agenda. This includes developing annual fuel poverty statistics to monitor progress against a statutory target and track the proportion of households in fuel poverty using a recognized indicator.

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Understanding the Existential Threat of a Cult

An existential threat, put simply, is a threat to society – a veritable threat to existence does not have to be present for someone to experience a sense of existential threat. Trump draws fervent support from conservatives who believe the president is willing to restore the country to its moral and constitutional foundations. Conservatives accepted Trump because he appointed their judges, and rolled back regulations they hate. These conservatives claim liberals pose “an existential threat” to the country, and the response includes need to turn to natural law which is the foundation upon which the spirit of the US Constitution is built. Trump’s SCOTUS nominee, Judge Gorsuch is a natural law thinker. The Republican deception is to use the existential threat of socialism to ensure that they can win elections. This allows control of court nominations who tend to support the tradition of natural law of a market.

A cult is a group of people who organize around a strong authority figure. Cults, like many other groups, attempt to expand their influence for the purposes of power or money. No one joins a cult; they are recruited by systematic social influence processes. However, to achieve these ends, destructive cults employ a potent mixture of influence techniques and deception to attain psychological control over members and new recruits. This fundamental level of control is known alternatively as ‘brainwashing,’ ‘thought reform,’ or ‘mind control.’ A successful induction by a destructive cult displaces a person’s former identity and replaces it with a new one. That new identity may not be one that the person would have freely chosen under her own volition. Cult leaders are typically malignant narcissists and want people who will be obedient to them.

Lean Festinger first developed the theory of cognitive dissonance in the 1950s to explain how members of a cult who were persuaded by their leader, that the earth was going to be destroyed on 21st December and that they alone were going to be rescued by aliens, actually increased their commitment to the cult when this did not happen. The dissonance of the thought of being so stupid was so great that instead they revised their beliefs to meet with obvious facts: that the aliens had, through their concern for the cult, saved the world instead. Eileen Barker, has written that, together, cult leaders and followers create and maintain their movement by proclaiming shared beliefs and identifying themselves as a distinguishable unit; behaving in ways that reinforce the group as a social entity, like closing themselves off to conflicting information; and stoking division and fear of enemies, real or perceived.

Populists also have an incurable predilection to claim allegiance of whole segments of the population, which might not be true in reality. Populists detest accountability and prefer personal deification at the expense of party institutionalization. The ensuing lack of institutional governance results in the cultivation of personality cults and eventual democratic breakdown. He must appear ordinary, to allow people to relate to him. And yet he must also be seen as extraordinary, so that people will grant him permission to be the arbiter of their individual and national destiny. For instance, they’re not about likeability. Leaders with cults of personality are usually aggressive. They keep audiences on edge with their outbursts and unpredictability. They create a bond that goes beyond agreeing with ideas and policies: people simply want a part of this person. Trump’s appeal is less intellectual than emotional. No matter if few of his political ideas are original.

Cult leaders arise from decayed communities and societies in which people have been shorn of political, social and economic power. The disempowered, infantilized by a world they cannot control, gravitate to cult leaders who appear omnipotent and promise a return to a mythical golden age. The cult reflects the leader’s prejudices, worldview, personal style and ideas. Trump did not create the yearning for a cult leader. Huge segments of the population, betrayed by the established elites, were conditioned for a cult leader. They were desperately looking for someone to rescue them and solve their problems. As long as a person stays in the cult, they are receiving constant reinforcement of the cult identity. Only when we recognize Trump as a cult leader, and many of those who support him as cult followers, will we understand where we are headed and how we must resist.

Donald Trump represents an existential threat to the current system. Trump won the nomination as the candidate who lied the most, won the presidency as someone known to lie; has an unshakable base despite ongoing lies. Underlying social issues made this possible. Enablers support the Trump’s behavior out of fear, love, or a misguided sense of loyalty. Autocrats, like Trump, surround themselves with their political cronies and lackies rather than competent people – have no way of eliciting, recognizing or assessing useful criticism. They are unwilling to hear anything negative – that leads to very bad decisions. There’s no doubt that Donald Trump was the instigator of the 2020 insurrection. But the former president’s schemes never would have gotten far (or even off the ground) without the participation of right-wing media executives, lawyers and pliant state officials. Without holding these enablers accountable, democracy and the rule of law will remain at risk.

The cult leader grooms followers to speak in the language of hate and violence. The cult leader constantly paints a picture of an existential threat, often invented, that puts the cult followers in danger. The cult leader, unlike a traditional politician, makes no effort to reach out to his opponents. The cult leader seeks to widen the divisions. The leader brands those outside the cult as irredeemable. The leader seeks the omnipotence to crush those who do not kneel in adoration. The followers, yearning to be protected and empowered by the cult leader, seek to give the cult leader omnipotence. Democratic norms, an impediment to the leader’s omnipotence, are attacked and abolished. Cults are a product of social decay and despair, and our decay and despair are expanding, with ongoing increase in inequality. George Orwell understood that cult leaders manipulate followers primarily through language, not force.

Cults maintain their power by promoting an “us vs. them” mentality. Trump instinctively understands how indispensable his own individual persona is to his ultimate goal of grasping and maintaining power. Amidst his string of business failures, Trump’s singular talent has been that of any con man: the incredible ability to cultivate a public image. Of course, Trump did not build his cult of followers – his in-group in many ways – as the stage was set for his entrance. America had already split into two political identities by the time he announced his campaign for president in 2015, not just in terms of the information we consume, but down to the brands we prefer and the stores we frequent. With the help of Fox News and Trump’s reality TV star’s penchant for manipulating the media, Trump tore pages from the us-against-them playbook of the European far right and presented them to a segment of the American public addicted already primed to receive it with religious fervor.

A destructive cult is absolute authoritarianism without meaningful accountability, which uses deception when recruiting as well as mind-control techniques to make a person dependent and obedient. Cults are typically hierarchical, that uses formal and informal practices to socialize members. After escaping the Unification Church, Steve Hassan dedicated his life’s work to freeing other people from mind control organizations and destructive cults. He is now one of the world’s leading experts on mind control and cults. Hassan is a direct personal witness to the way cult leaders are defined by their use of money, power, greed, sex, lies, charisma and violence to control their followers and empower themselves. In 2016 Hassan saw those traits personified in the form of Republican nominee Donald Trump. He then tried to alert the public to the danger that a cult leader would become president and that ruin and despair for the United States would be the inevitable result.

It’s not unusual for a president, current or former, to hold sway over his party and its voters. But once Trump attained the presidency, he took over the Republican Party and instituted a fiefdom where he rewards loyalty and punishes anyone who displeases him. Even today Trump’s impact on the GOP stands out for its breadth; Trump has influenced the party and its members on everything from policy to rhetorical style.  The majority of the 2024 Republican presidential candidates look to recreate the movement that helped propel Trump to the White House six years ago. Before, during and after his time in the White House, Trump called into question the legitimacy and effectiveness of key institutions — in the government, the media and the world at large. Republicans routinely rail against “The Swamp” – Trump’s ill-defined term for institutional corruption, which happens to include organizations like the FBI and NATO.

New recruits to cults are “love bombed”. Donald Trump constantly tells his followers that he loves them. His people need and want to believe that Donald Trump loves them. Trump’s followers have a deep investment in him emotionally and personally. I would tell Trump’s true believers the same thing I would tell people in other mind control cults: Think back to what you thought you were getting involved with, and now think about where you are now. If you knew then where you would be four and a half years later, would you have ever gotten involved with Donald Trump in the first place? Only when we recognize Trump as a cult leader, and many of those who support him as cult followers, will we understand where we are headed and how we must resist. How long will they continue to believe that if he appears to be in this only to help himself?

The Republican Party has devolved into a cult of personality, where every new piece of evidence of their leader’s criminality enhances his popularity. How many indictments should it take to bring down a cult leader? Not withstanding, the faithful are indifferent to a thick criminal record that could quickly weigh down the cult leader. Political cults end when accountability begins. How can the cult leader face accountability? A post-Civil War provision of the 14th Amendment says any American official who takes an oath to uphold the US Constitution is disqualified from holding future office if they “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” or have “given aid or comfort” to insurrectionists. Voters can sue under the 14th Amendment to disqualify Trump from holding the presidency or any other office under the United States. Basically, citizen groups are filing legal challenges asking the state Supreme Court to direct the secretary of state to exclude Donald Trump from the ballot in 2024.

Excluding Donald Trump from the ballot in 2024 is the initial response to this existential threat. It is necessary to resist this regression into a petty, fragmented brand of politics rooted in resentment and fear. Research indicates that approximately two-thirds of cult members are psychologically healthy people that come from normal families. It isn’t necessary to buy into the big lie all of the time. You can step back from thinking. As Eckhart Tolle says, “Rather than being your thoughts and emotions, be the awareness behind them.” Question from where your thinking arises. How do these thoughts or feelings relate to your history; what is this event tapping into? What is the root of this feeling? In what ways am I lying to myself? These are questions that can begin the process of seeing reality more clearly. This will counter the intentional blurring of the relationship between proposed facts and reality that dominates the present political climate.

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The Rise of the American Oligarchy

When a small group of people rules a society, the political system is considered an oligarchy; when only money and wealth determine how a society is controlled, the political system is a plutocracy. From the standpoint of a democratic society, oligarchies are inherently unjust and corrupt. It is a system of government in which virtually all political power is held by a very small number of wealthy but otherwise unmeritorious people who shape public policy primarily to benefit themselves financially through direct subsidies to their agricultural estates or business firms, lucrative government contracts, and protectionist measures aimed at damaging their economic competitors — while displaying little or no concern for the broader interests of the rest of the citizenry. On the other hand, in an authentic democracy, there must be commercial-free zones where the power of human rights, citizenship, community, equality and justice, are free from the corrupting influence of money.

From 1949 to 1967 Leo Strauss served as a professor in the University of Chicago political science department, and became the source of the inspiration of the neoconservative ideology of the Republican Party. He developed a political philosophy based on deception, the power of religion, and aggressive nationalism. This was a system in which the people are told no more than they need to know as deception is a norm in political life. He recommended the use of religion for the morals of the masses, but not applying to the leaders. If the masses really knew what was going on it would lead to nihilism. The void was to be filled with religious values. Also, Strauss proposed the use of aggressive foreign policy to unite the masses. In Strauss’s view perpetual deception of the citizens by those in power is critical because they need to be led, and they need strong rulers to tell them what’s good for them.

The greatest victory for the neoconservatives was not that they highjack the theories of neoliberalism and use them to promote their own political global agenda but the fact that they managed to make the world to see their ideas as necessary or even the best way, perhaps the only way, for the social order to be regulated. Neoliberalism in all horrible reality is a significant disruptive force that dominates policy, politics, and culture to the advantage of the select few, enabling concentration of wealth and power to breed totalitarian nation-states. The great prophets of neoliberal economic policies like Milton Friedman claim economic freedom is a necessary condition for political freedom; it appears neoliberalism is a breeding ground for totalitarian tendencies, not free will and democracy. The strategy of neoliberalism has been successful based upon the income and wealth of a privileged minority gaining political dominance.

To distract voters, Republicans now embrace the uncertain populist policies of division and misinformation. Fox News tells viewers they are the only reliable source of political information – re-enforcing the alt-right propaganda in social media. In post-truth politics social media assists political actors who mobilize voters through a crude blend of outlandish conspiracy theories and suggestive half-truths, barely concealed hate-speech, as well as outright lies. These “populist” voters now live in a media bubble, getting their news from sources that play to their identity-politics desires, which means that even if you offer them a better deal, they won’t hear about it, or believe it if told. We now realize the need to control how social media is manipulated by big money. Friedrich Nietzsche claimed there are no facts only interpretations. In his view there was no objective fact about what has value in itself – culture consisted of beliefs developed to perpetuate a particular power structure.

Far the most disastrous feature of the neoliberal period has been the huge growth in inequality. How did neoliberalism manage to survive virtually unscathed for so long? There is a neoliberal counter-revolution based on polarization. Trump’s victim politics is a complete fraud, an old trick used by economic elite to keep working-class Americans fighting each other rather than taking on the oligarchs who are ripping them off. Trump and his allies are again stoking racial tensions even as they seek to cut taxes on the rich by shedding affordable health care for everyone else, dismantle protection for workers and consumers, and tear down environmental protections that stop wealthy corporations from poisoning communities. Victim politics is cultivated for a reason – to keep workers distracted from the real causes of economic inequality. Trump informs his followers: I am your retribution. Retribution is the act of taking revenge.

It is about a system, corrupted by the influence of big donors and powerful interests, that makes voting more difficult than necessary, particularly for historically disadvantaged groups. Republicans are using the same baseless lies about voting fraud to push a staggering number of laws to scale back voting rights. The reason they’re willing to weaken American democracy is very simple: it’s all about retaining power. The rules being put into place will make it more difficult, if not impossible, for many minority voters to participate in elections. In addition, these states are allowing partisan groups to take over running elections. As a group Republicans, are pushing towards replacing democracy with a system where a powerful minority holds disproportionate and borderline tyrannical control over government and blocks the majority of Americans from having meaningful say over the direction of the country. There is a need for federal legislation to prevent partisan bias from determining whether elections were conducted properly.

By the time Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992) came to write The Constitution of Liberty (1960), a network of lobbyists and thinkers he had founded was being lavishly funded by multimillionaires who saw the doctrine as a means of defending them against democracy. Hayek’s writing rejects such notions of political freedom, universal rights, human equality and distribution of wealth – democracy has no absolute value, in fact, liberty depends on preventing the majority from exercising choice over the direction that politics and society might take. In the updated version the progress of society depends on the liberty of these ‘economic elite’ to gain as much money as they want and spend it how they wish. All that is good and useful, therefore arises from inequality. In other words, there should be no connection between merit and reward, no distinction made between earned and unearned income, and no limits to the rents they can charge.

An ongoing plot to weaken US democracy has been in play for 50 years. In 1980 Charles Koch sought ways to steer American politics to the right without having to win the popular vote. He chose do it through philanthropy, with it’s guarantee of anonymity. This led to the founding of think tanks like the Kato Institute to create so-called discussion papers that would drive discussion of right-wing policy issues like minimal government and regulations into mainstream media. This was done with such consistency that people forgot that the saying “capitalism and freedom were interchangeable” was an ideology, not established fact. Reconciliation hasn’t just excluded types of legislation; it has had a bad effect on the legislation it includes. Any change will be an uphill journey, as the people now in control – the economic elite – will not readily let go of their power without legislation to control big money in elections.

Rising inequality has become the defining challenge of the century; it has profound implications for the health and resilience of democracies everywhere. Inequality – and the fears of social decline and exclusion it generates – feeds social polarization and the shrinking of a vital moderate center. Inequality is usually associated to an unequal distribution of resources and, therefore, it is related to the gap between the rich and the poor. It also relates to an unequal access to opportunities or benefits from economic activity. In the best-case scenario, this unequal distribution is associated to talent or effort; but, in most cases, it is the result of institutional structures that create social barriers based on: sex, age, ethnicity, social status, among other variables that define individuals’ initial conditions. Inequality can lead to social tensions, discrimination, poverty traps, erosion of social capital, regional imbalances, and an unfair access to justice. It also prevents people from obtaining fair benefits from economic activities.

Within the plutocracy the wealthy win acceptance from the entire political class that its largely speculative activities, such as financialization – the growth of the scale and profitability of the financial sector at the expense of the rest of the economy – are normal. Through this process the financial markets, financial institutions, and financial elites gain greater influence over economic policy and economic outcomes. In addition, the wealthy control enough of the media to ensure they are credited for being the economy’s principle engine of growth. In return, they are given privileged treatment as the well-being of the national economy relies on them. Plutocrats make investments to ensure ongoing upward flow of cash. Over the decades they have spent millions of dollars opposing unions and supporting deregulation. With the subsequent increased inequality, many find themselves living in a precarious and unequal democracy of a political economy of a new gilded age.

There is no difference between the fake news, misinformation, disinformation of today – such lies have been churned out for years, but today it is designed to support the plutocracy. There is an orchestrated counter-revolution based on polarization. Trump’s victim politics is a complete fraud, an old trick used by economic elite to keep working-class Americans fighting each other rather than focusing on processes to counter the plutocrats who are ripping them off. Trump and his allies stoke racial tensions even as they seek to cut taxes on the rich by shedding affordable health care for everyone else, dismantle protection for workers and consumers, and tear down environmental protections that stop wealthy corporations from poisoning communities. Victim politics is cultivated for a reason – to keep workers distracted from the real causes of economic inequality.

An economic system that rewards psychopathic personality traits has changed our ethics and our personalities – neoliberalism favors certain personality traits and penalizes others. Our society constantly proclaims that anyone can make it if they just try hard enough, all the while reinforcing privilege and putting increasing pressure on its overstretched and exhausted citizens. An increasing number of people in search of happiness fail – feeling humiliated, guilty and ashamed. We are forever told that we are freer to choose the course of our lives than ever before, but the freedom to choose outside the success narrative is limited. Furthermore, those who fail are deemed to be losers or scroungers, taking advantage of our social security system. A neoliberal meritocracy would have us believe that success depends on individual effort and talents, meaning responsibility lies entirely with the individual and authorities should give people as much freedom as possible to achieve this goal.

Democracy funded and fueled by corporate power disenfranchises the individual, provoking some to search for empowerment through identity politics. Within neoliberalism a person’s identity becomes so undermined by the system that he/she must adopt a social identity in order to create a sense of personal identity and connection with others. Neoliberalism has turned us into competitive individuals. In such a system everyone has to make those choices that turn his life into a professional success or personal happiness; moreover, these choices depend solely on his or her personal efforts. This creates a binary system of winners and losers. As humans are social animals this is a formula for unhappiness. The construction and perpetuation of stereotypes such as abusers of the welfare state, social scroungers, social hammock, is creating strong prejudices in people’s thinking. These ideas are purposely marginalizing the unemployed, the homeless, asylum-seekers, etc. and diverting suspicion from the real culprits.

Social classes are hierarchical groupings of individuals that are usually based on wealth, educational attainment, occupation, income, or membership in a subculture or social network. The class system in America puts those with the most wealth, power, and prestige at the top of the hierarchy and those with the least at the bottom. During the 21st century the middle class continues to be stripped of jobs, income, and security. Max Weber (1864-1920) claims people are motivated by custom or tradition, by emotions, by religious or ethical values, and by rational goal-oriented behavior. All human behavior, Weber says is motivated by various combinations of these four basic factors. However, just because an action is rational in terms of fulfillment of a short-term goal, does not mean it is rational in terms of the whole society. It often happens, he writes, that an excessive focus on short-term goals undermines the very goals of society.

It is time to reject the metanarrative of neoliberal globalization – postmodern thought and chose action that is part of the process to address social inequality and social injustice. What the mainstream media have really supported is the neoliberal project that has reduced everything to markets, undermined regulation, stagnated wages, introduced risk, precarity and uncertainty, and brought about recurrent major economic crises. In all of this the mainstream media has been a significant enabler in the shift from the social democratic advances of the post-war period to the establishment of a corporate-financial oligarchy in which democracy in any real sense is meaningless. In this setting the media have not been the purveyors of truth. This assault on reality is the fraud used to support a specific formation of power. If Trump is re-elected America will be left with the trappings of a democracy – while the reality slowly disappears, replaced instead by a nationalist oligarchy.

When the Constitutional Convention finished in 1787, Ben Franklin was asked what kind of government the new nation would have. He famously remarked, “a republic, if you can keep it.” Oligarchies remain in power through two strategies: first, using divide-and-conquer tactics to ensure that a majority doesn’t coalesce, and second, by rigging the political system to make it harder for any emerging majority to overthrow them. Trump is the natural outcome of the history of divide and conquer of the oligarchs. To overcome this strategy, requires the power of the ballot. Democracy means more than elections, an independent judiciary, a free press, and various constitutional norms. For democracy to persist, there must also be relative economic equality. Addressing domestic economic and social crises and reviving America’s middle class is critical to defending democracy. If society is deeply unequal economically, the wealthy will dominate politics and America will continue the path leading to an oligarchy.

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The Populist Narrative on Social and Economic Inequality

Late-stage capitalism is a term that describes the current phase of capitalism, characterized by extreme inequality, environmental degradation, social alienation, and political corruption. Late-stage capitalism is not a precise or scientific term, but rather a subjective and critical one. It reflects the perception that capitalism has reached a point where it is no longer sustainable, beneficial, or desirable for most people. As inequality and injustice increase, so does the potential for conflict and violence. People who feel marginalized, oppressed, or exploited may resort to protests, riots, revolutions, terrorism, or war to express their anger and frustration. This can lead to social chaos and instability. As capitalism alienates people from themselves, each other, and nature, it affects their physical and mental health. People also lose their sense of purpose, identity, community, and creativity. These structures of feelings and atmosphere are part of the conditions of formation and emergence of right-wing populism.

In late capitalism, the lack of dignity to human beings and their needs is so severe that so many people end up in dire financial situations. While homelessness has always been present in society, in late capitalism, the homelessness is so severe that it has become a crisis. While there is a lot of wealth, the gap between the wealthy and poor is so wide and there is barely a middle class anymore. What is now perceived as the middle class is actually a working class that is a little better off than those living in poverty. A quality of late capitalism is that there are programs managed by the State that intervene and stabilize some of the inequalities. With late-stage capitalism comes increased alienation and disillusionment from one’s self, labor, each other and the social and natural world. One of today’s issues is the dissatisfaction and disillusionment with a ‘system’ that creates increasing economic inequality for most.

Using the sociological imagination, we can see that there is an increase of depression and anxiety as capitalism advances and there are more ways to exploit people. Culturally, there is a mentality of “every man for himself” and therefore, those slightly better off financially will often be heard complaining about the poor and homeless people for “taking up free money from the government” whereas in reality, these people may still be suffering with too little welfare to live on. All workplaces, however harmonious they appear, contain a relatively high number of employees who are disillusioned or angry at what they see as real, hurtful and relevant issues of serious dissatisfaction with their lot. Late state capitalism is both a time of oppression and of social change. Many start to gain awareness and are now looking around to find better ways to live for themselves and each other.

As corporations and oligarchs gain more control over politics and society, they erode the principles and institutions of democracy and human rights. They undermine the rule of law, the separation of powers, the freedom of expression, the right to privacy, the right to education, the right to health care, and other civil liberties. They also promote authoritarianism, nationalism, populism, fascism, and other forms of extremism. Thus, social frustration, originating from socio-political and socio-economic problems, has been channeled by the populist parties, which feed and sharpen social polarization. Populist parties exploit discontent stemming from a perceived elites’ failure, and they find fertile ground in times of crisis. Such tendencies increase tribalism among ordinary citizens and the political establishment and originate from social resentment. Therefore, it is essential to understand the political importance of unacknowledged resentment as an explosive force in social relations.

Late-stage capitalism is a term that captures the dissatisfaction and disillusionment with the current state of capitalism. It describes a system that is unsustainable, unjust, and undesirable for most people. It leaves one with the sense that monopolies, and the oligarchs that run them, have rigged the system in their favor. To become disillusioned means to lose one’s illusions about something or someone. People who are disillusioned have lost their illusions. This is usually meant in a negative way, as disillusioned people tend to be a little bitter. When you’re disillusioned, you’re wiser but not necessarily happier: you’ve learned from experience that life isn’t always how you’d like it to be. Recognize that disillusionment is better than ignorance. Firstly, know that disillusionment (while unpleasant) is far better than ignorance. Late-stage capitalism is not inevitable or irreversible. It is a human-made system that can be changed or replaced by another system.

The sharp rise in inequality and the destruction of old sites of stable industrial employment that had accompanied globalization and the financialization of capitalism, led to widespread popular resentment, and this provided a fertile terrain for the rise of disillusionment and right populist politics. Because of growing disillusionment and anger students and workers voted for leaders outside the mainstream party candidates during the 2016 presidential primary elections – the consequence of being left behind by soaring inequality and the failure of government to deliver. Donald Trump – figured out how to harness their disillusionment and growing anger. The growing political chaos in America is the consequence of insecurity associated with rising inequality from many being left behind.

While all men and women suffer from disillusionment, few know that their state of disillusionment is the result of the breakdown of an illusion they themselves had manufactured. Disillusion is never possible without fantasy – and the destructive strength of the disillusionment can never exceed the strength and energy that was used to create the fantasy in the first place. The adverse effect is that man places values on his illusions, and over values what is not true, or no longer exists. In order to clear these errors of thinking, man must release the emotion that keeps him tied to this false reality. The removal of illusion or fantasy involves understanding that expectations are not failed, but false. With this recognition comes an opportunity for change. The challenge: Populist rhetoric always promises a new, more inclusive political community but very often this only achieves new ways of exclusion.

Economic inequality is a tricky issue. Some level of inequality may be natural. While some inequality is inevitable in a market-based economic system as a result of differences in talent, effort, and luck, excessive inequality could erode social cohesion, lead to political polarization, and ultimately lower economic growth. Rising social spending has been used to combat inequality. Fiscal policy is a key policy instrument available to governments to achieve their distributional objectives. In advanced economies, taxes and transfers decrease income inequality by one-third, with most of this being achieved via public social spending (such as pensions and family benefits). Progressive income taxes also play an important redistributive function in some countries. However, it is important to ensure that social spending is adequate, effective and sustainable. Inequality can have adverse political and social consequences, with the potential to undermine macroeconomic stability and sustainable growth.

A fair and equitable distribution of income is a fundamental element of the social contract. Social contract theory says that people live together in society in accordance with an agreement that establishes moral and political rules of behavior. Some people believe that if we live according to a social contract, we can live morally by our own choice and not because a divine being requires it. During the 21st century the cost of many discretionary goods and services has fallen sharply, but basic necessities such as housing, healthcare, and education are absorbing an ever-larger proportion of incomes, aggravated by wage stagnation. These shifts point to an evolution in the “social contract”: the arrangements and expectations, often implicit, that govern the exchanges between individuals and institutions.1 Broadly, individuals have had to assume greater responsibility for their economic outcomes. For many individuals the changes are spurring uncertainty, pessimism, and a general loss of trust in institutions.

Ronald Reagan facilitated neoliberalism becoming a mainstream ideology. It was in 1972 that the World Bank took up the theme of poverty, which more or less corresponds to the beginning of the neoliberal global political economy, later to be known as the Washington Consensus, which reflected the set of policies that became their standard package of advice attached to loans. With the passing of time and according to the intentions of the user, the vocabulary evolved. ‘Elimination’ of poverty became ‘reduction’ of poverty and, over the last few years the concept of extreme poverty appeared, associated with hunger. These, it was declared, must gradually be eliminated, while poverty must be mitigated. The rich persuade themselves they acquired their wealth through merit, ignoring the advantages – such as education, inheritance and class that may have helped to secure it. The social contract of the neoliberals: the creed of docile respectful working poor to depend on inequality to drive the motor of the ideal market system.

Robert Nozick argued that any distribution of goods and benefits – even a highly unequal one – is just if it could have come about from a just distribution through transactions that did not violate anyone’s natural rights to life, liberty, and property. Because such transactions in a state of nature would have given rise to a “minimal state” (whose powers are limited to those necessary to prevent violence, theft, and fraud), only the minimal state is justified. This supported the Washington consensus, which ignored the problems associated with rising inequality and even encouraged the weakening of social safety nets. The backlash against rapid cultural change, the distal cause of the groundswell of support for right wing populists is the insecurity associated with rising inequality. The growing populist movement is a predictable response to stagnating wages, middle class contraction, and worker displacement. Yet populist policies will make the problem worse in the long run.

Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) described the rich or leisure class as sheltered from economic pressures that prevailed. From this privileged position, as a class, they were less responsive to the demands required to change society. John Rawls social contract theory is the moral and political point of view is discovered via impartiality, and he argued for a set of basic principles of distributive justice (justice in the distribution of goods and benefits). It is a neoliberal ideology that defines the social relationships of poor people and the attitude towards them that supports an economic system that creates inequality. In 2023, 47 per cent in a recent survey of Canadians say they’re living paycheque to paycheque; while about 61% of Americans are living paycheque to paycheque. The growing disaffection among the working classes in established democracies concerning their sense of their ability to influence the policy decisions leads to populist anger. In order to combat this growing dissatisfaction and disillusionment, it is necessary to reframe the narrative on social and economic inequalities.

1https://questioningandskepticism.com/balancing-inequality-and-competition-the-ideal-social-contract/

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To Create Positive Change That Lasts: Reduce Alienation.

The seventeenth century was one of the most turbulent periods in English history, socially, culturally, and for the monarchy. Traditions and norms were turned upside down as the pendulum swung back and forth between periods of war and peace, austerity and exuberance, and religious tolerance and prejudice. The political landscape changed dramatically during the 17th Century. For example, whilst some European superpowers, such as France, witnessed the nearly autocratic rule that was King Louis XIV’s, there were dramatic changes in England. Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) and his generation changed the course of the British Empire for all time through their religious, political and scholarly thought as well as the actions they took. The century began with the idea of divine right to rule led to Charles’s beheading, followed by a disastrous socio-political experiment, led to William and Mary’s reign (1689-1702), a constitutional monarchy with a parliament that had a greater say than ever before.

Ayn Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism argues that the purpose of life is the pursuit of happiness, and that the purpose of government is to aid that pursuit. Laissez-faire capitalism, she argues, is the only system that truly protects individual rights. Rand believed: “It took centuries of intellectual, philosophical development to achieve political freedom. It was a long struggle, stretching from Aristotle to John Locke to the Founding Fathers. The system they established was not based on unlimited majority rule, but on its opposite: on individual rights, which were not to be alienated by majority vote or minority plotting.” The core of Rand’s philosophy, Objectivism, is that unfettered self-interest is good and altruism is destructive. Ayn Rand was defined by her rage, not her advocacy of a fantasy version of capitalism. Her message of creative aspiration is laced with anger and cruelty, and endowed with idealized and moralized selfishness and greed.

Alan Greenspan became one of the members of Rand’s inner circle, the Ayn Rand Collective, who read Atlas Shrugged while it was being written. During the 1950s and 1960s Greenspan was a proponent of Objectivism, writing articles for Objectivist newsletters. Greenspan was nominated by President George W. Bush to serve for an unprecedented fifth term as chairman of the Federal Reserve. He was previously appointed to the post by Presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Bill Clinton. In 2000, Greenspan raised interest rates several times; these actions were believed by many to have caused the bursting of the dot-com bubble. In October 2008, Greenspan belatedly hinted that he may have finally seen the dark side of Rand. In a speech to Congress, he said he had found a “flaw” in his “ideology” of how the free market worked. He had always hewed to the Randian belief that companies left to their own devices would work in their best long-term interests.

The real-estate bubble demonstrated that many companies had actually favored massive short-term profits over long-term sustainability. In the process, they laid the groundwork for the biggest recession in sixty years. Public policy analyst Robert Reich argues that “the theme that united all of Trump’s [budget] initiatives so far is their unnecessary cruelty.” The culture of cruelty has become a primary register of the loss of democracy in the United States. Vast numbers of individuals are now considered disposable and are relegated to zones of social and moral abandonment. A culture of cruelty highlights both how systemic injustices are lived and experienced, and how iniquitous relations of power turn the “American dream” into a dystopian nightmare in which millions of individuals and families are struggling to merely survive. Neoliberalism is an anxious form of crisis management attempting to cover over the clash with neoliberal interpretation of freedom and responsibilities, on the balance between personal freedom and the common good.

In the aftermath of a potentially demoralizing 2008 electoral defeat, when the Republican Party seemed widely discredited, the emergence of the Tea Party provided conservative activists with a new identity funded by Republican business elites and reinforced by a network of conservative media sources. According to publicly available IRS records, the five essential pillars of just such a Tea Party movement network were all funded and in place by that spring of 2009 – the Sam Adams Alliance to direct grassroots efforts; the Franklin Center for Government and Public Integrity to direct propaganda efforts in state capitals across the United States; the State Policy Network (SPN funded by dark money) to coordinate funding and free-market policies at state-based think tanks. This included hundreds of grants from the Koch foundations to American universities that were linked in through SPN and, of course, CSE’s (Citizens for a Sound Economy founded by Koch, but later funded by companies like Exxon and Microsoft) its successor, Americans for Prosperity, built to coordinate the effort nationally. By 2010 the Tea Party became a very influential movement in American politics.

In 2016 Donald Trump campaigned as an economic nationalist but surrounded himself with a transnational corporate transition team that supports policies of neoliberal capitalism. These include tax breaks for the rich and for corporations, further privatization of public services, deregulation and the reduction of the social safety net. Trump used the rhetoric of an “anti-politician” to conceal his real policy agenda, and appealed directly to sections of the white working class that rejected Hillary Clinton’s corporate centrism. For 2025 Trump and his backers aim to strengthen the power of the White House and limit the independence of federal agencies. The plan includes altering the balance of power by increasing the president’s authority over every part of the federal government that now operates, by either law or tradition, with any measure of independence from political interference by the White House, according to a review of his campaign policy proposals and interviews with people close to him.

The basis on which populist parties rally electoral support, while multi-faceted, is often deeply emotional, playing on feelings of anger, resentment or nostalgia that reflect alienation from conventional politics.  Donald Trump stunned the political world in 2016 when he became the first person without government or military experience ever to be elected president of the United States. Trump’s policy record included major changes at home and abroad. He achieved a string of long-sought conservative victories domestically, including the biggest corporate tax cuts on record, the elimination of scores of environmental regulations and a reshaping of the federal judiciary. For 2025 Trump intends to bring independent agencies – like the Federal Communications Commission, which makes and enforces rules for television and internet companies, and the Federal Trade Commission, which enforces various antitrust and other consumer protection rules against businesses – under direct presidential control.

Populism is a phenomenon which can emerge in all forms of a democratic system. Political theorist Cas Mudde, defines populists as sharing three key characteristics. They are anti-establishment, having faith in “plain talkers” and “ordinary people” as opposed to the “corrupt establishment” of business, government, academia, and media. They are authoritarian, favoring strong leaders over democratic institutions and traditions. They are nativist, putting their nation first. The most exposed to its influence are political systems which experience an institutional transition. Populism is a political discourse that imagines a struggle between a good and virtuous “people” and a nefarious establishment. In advanced democracies a more relevant, negative aspect of populism is that it undermines the civility of the relations among citizens. What can be done to improve representation and accountability to keep voters engaged within the party system, and what can be done once a sizeable share of the electorate is so alienated from political parties that it elects a populist government?

Trump won the 2016 nomination as the candidate who lied the most, won the presidency as someone known to lie; has an unshakable base despite ongoing lies. Underlying social issues made this possible. His base is concerned about their place in the world, not about economic hardship. Rather it is about dominant groups that felt threatened by change, and a candidate who took advantage of that trend. Faced with the fact that non-white groups would soon outnumber them revved up their support for Trump, their desire for anti-immigrant policies, and opposition to political correctness. While social networking has long been recognized for its ability to catalyze and organize collective social change campaigns, it was a profound surprise to many political observers that the platform could be used so effectively to connect with politically- and civically-alienated voters, those who President Trump declares as his base, “the forgotten men and women of this country.”

Trump is a narcissist, and narcissists are liars. Narcissism is a disorder of the self – a self based on opportunism instead of values. For them life is a game and they play to win, and the lie becomes necessary for their own survival. When narcissistic leaders undermine collaboration, they by definition reduce the effectiveness of an organization. It’s about the leader creating a culture that induces people to act less ethically and less collaboratively than they would otherwise, whether they’re narcissists or not. Many Republicans may not like or trust Trump, they just hate the alternative more. When you’re involved with a narcissist, cognitive dissonance is a psychological state that keeps many clinging to a narcissistic person like Trump, who has succeeded in creating two camps. Narcissists view themselves as being perfect, so there is no reason for them to change.

The English Civil War divided the country, with people and families split between their values and opinions on power, human suffrage and political freedom. Emerging out of the violence, turbulence and chaos were the Levellers, a political movement which preached ideas of equality, religious tolerance, suffrage and sovereignty. In many ways, the Levellers embodied a populist movement and exercised further control and influence through a well-thought-out propaganda mechanism which involved pamphlets, petitions and speeches, all of which connected the group with the general public and conveyed their message. Many crucial and fundamental principles and concepts were debated. The political movement advocated such an idea based on its Christian origins and the belief that everyone has the ability to use reasoning to make informed decisions for themselves. Their appeal to reason against arguments drawn from precedent or biblical authority marks a milestone in political thought.

Charles, King And Martyr, is a title of Charles I who was King of England, Scotland and Ireland from 1625 until his execution on 30 January 1649. The title is used by high church Anglicans who regard Charles’s execution as a martyrdom. His feast day in the Anglican calendar of saints is 30 January, the anniversary of his execution in 1649. The cult of Charles the Martyr was historically popular with Tories. The observance was one of several “state services” removed in 1859 from the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England and the Church of Ireland. Today the trials are the message. They are the drama around which Trump plays his role as the unjustly accused victim, whose rights are trampled and who is the martyr for his oppressed “deplorables”. He is taking the slings and arrows for them. The narcissist is the self-sacrificing saint. The criminal is the angel. The liar is the truth-teller. If any Republican lapses in faithfulness, they are more than a mere doubter or skeptic, but a betrayer and traitor.

Nothing on earth consumes a man more quickly than the passion of resentment, observes Friedrich Nietzsche. Resentment as a cultural response to economic struggle has political consequences. More than half of US workers are unhappy with their jobs. The frustration you experience by not living the life you imagined is created by the resentment that the outcome of an event is less than you imagined it would be. A narcissist like Trump is operating from a place of defense all the time. The lie is more of a PR stunt, a marketing ploy rather than a cohesive integrated set of values. The narcissistic personality is more of a store front designed to hide that there isn’t any there, there. Narcissism and resentment go together. The usual explanation is that narcissists are resentful because the world doesn’t recognize their brilliance or meet their demands for special privileges. Trump appeals to resentment that ultimately rests on economic failure: working-class whites angry and disillusioned left behind by soaring inequality. Research argues feelings of disillusionment prompt people to take more extreme positions.

Claiming to be the victim of the political establishment has been key to Trump’s political persona and the basis of Trumpism. Donald Trump harnessed the resentment and sense of victimhood of the Republican Party. Trump came across unceasingly pained, injured and aggrieved: the primaries were unfair, the debates were unfair, the general election was unfair. He gave a voice to that part of America that also feels aggrieved. Trump claims there is a conspiracy against him supported by ‘fake’ news. Some suggested that generations of creeping economic insecurity have inspired deep anger, compelling many voters in the white middle and working classes to embrace Trump, flaws and all, because he challenges the American status quo. Trump claims: ‘I’m the turnaround guy. I’m going to drain the swamp. I’m going to blow Washington up.’ And so, anyone who was disaffected about government, which turns out to been a lot of people, likes this narrative.

Former president Donald Trump faces a total of 91 charges across four criminal cases. They include 44 federal charges and 47 state charges, all of them felonies. Trump has denied wrongdoing in each case. Trump is committed to being the victim. In contemporary usage, “populism” is generally understood to mean political movements and individuals who channel widespread alienation and frustration by claiming to speak for “the people” against forces that are said to be destroying cherished ways of life. Trump claims, “I was indicted for you.” Why? As a narcissist he only cares about himself. If the MAGA voters leave him behind, he is history. Most skeptics believe that by continuously questioning our knowledge, the source thereof, and what is held as “truth,” we can greatly reduce the risk of being deceived. The goal of such a process is not any specific measure of economic freedom, rather it is the potential to reduce the level of alienation in America.

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The Connection Between Social Darwinism and Narcissism

Social Darwinism gives some individuals the opportunity to justify their pathological narcissism. This was precisely the case with Hitler and many other individuals who unleashed their destructive desires on others, hiding behind baseless theoretical concepts. The results showed the psychological profile of social Darwinists as clearly dysfunctional in terms of personal life quality. They express characteristics like admiration for power and desire to dominate, pursue one’s goals at all costs, exploitative attitude towards people, and hostility. The supreme idea that only those who do not sympathize with others and are ready to use them can be successful and survive is far from the principles of liberal democracy. Power and money are more important than honesty and reciprocity. Cool, cynical manipulation is accepted as an effective way of achieving one’s own goals. These beliefs reflect the supreme principle of naive social Darwinism – only the strongest, best adapted to life in the ’competitive social jungle’ can survive.

People who strongly believe that the social world is a competitive jungle appear anti-social, expressing aversive, antagonistic, and selfish attitudes. This general personality feature typically contains Machiavellianism, narcissism, and subclinical psychopathy. The essence of narcissism is self-absorption, high self-esteem, feeling of uniqueness and being better, arrogance, and an instrumental attitude towards people used to maintain an unrealistic self-image. Narcissists believe they are unique or “special” and can only be understood by other special people. What’s more, they are too good for anything average or ordinary. They only want to associate and be associated with other high-status people, places, and things. As noticed by Leary and colleagues, social Darwinists’ self-esteem is a reaction to social disapproval and lack of recognition. This conclusion is probably in line with the observed elevated level of hostility if we assume that hostility of narcissist persons usually draws from the sense of being depreciated.

The narcissism and manipulation of powerful rulers is legendary. Examples of excessive preoccupation with building shrines to themselves range from the Egyptian Pharaohs to Louis XIV of France. One is their characteristics is dishonesty. They are quite willing to distort the truth so as to make themselves appear more impressive, more successful, better, and smarter than everyone else. Conversely, they protect themselves from unwelcome news by surrounding themselves with yes men and yes women. Bearers of bad news are severely sanctioned, or banished from the inner circle whether it is the court of King Louis IV, or the cabinet of Donald Trump. Consider Trump’s statement: “What you’re seeing and what you’re reading is not happening.” It makes victims question their reality, becoming even more dependent on the gaslighter as the only source of true information. Will Trump, the narcissist and ultimate media manipulator, finally pay the price for his tactics?

Studies conclude that higher social class is associated with increased entitlement and narcissism. Paul Piff from the University of California, Berkeley Psychology Department says that wealth gives rise to a sense of entitlement, a sense that one deserves more good things in life than others, which in turn gives rise to an increased or inflated sense of self-importance, vanity, grandiosity, and omnipotence (narcissism). Piff is a specialist in the area of wealth and personality, as well as its effects on behavior. He has found that upper-class individuals are more likely to lie and cheat when gambling, cut people off when driving, and endorse unethical behavior in the workplace. Social narcissism represents the dark side of intelligence and communication skills. As humans become more intelligent, as we improve our ability to communicate with others, our prospect for understanding reality increases, but our prospect for massive self-deception increases to the same degree.

“Being entirely honest with oneself is a good exercise,” observes Sigmund Freud. Lying allows a person to establish perceived control over a situation by manipulating it. It’s a defense mechanism that (seemingly) prevents them from being vulnerable, that is, to not open up and reveal their true self to another person. A narcissistic liar is a person who lies to get what they want. They are often charming and persuasive. But their primary goal is always self-promotion. They want to present themselves in a certain light and believe they can get away with it. Lies can be used to get others to form false beliefs and garner their support. It is well known that false information can influence people’s thinking even after they come to realize the information is false. The cure for the present epidemic of narcissism is for us to stop lying to ourselves about what we think we know.

Narcissists tend to communicate differently than other people. Their words are often used as tools or weapons. Their language often disguises their true intent. In addition to hoarding conversation time, narcissistic communicators also tend to control and direct conversation topics. They focus on what they want to talk about, the way they want to talk about it, with little or no consideration for alternate views. George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-four doublespeak: use of euphemisms, jargon, vagueness, intentional omission, misdirection, and idioms in order to obscure the truth and engage in Machiavellian behavior. Doublespeak is language that deliberately obscures, disguises, distorts, or reverses the meaning of words. When a narcissist is criticized, their inflated sense of self is damaged. Any perceived negative feedback, even if offered in gentle or productive ways, can easily result in outbursts of narcissistic rage. A narcissist cannot tolerate threats to their massive egos and grandiose self-image.

Autocrats tend to have a blend of narcissistic and antisocial personality disorder traits such as a lack of empathy, grandiosity, thirst for power and control, lying and deceit, indifference to conventional laws or rules or morality, many also associated with narcissistic personality disorder. Enablers may support the narcissist’s behavior out of fear, love, or a misguided sense of loyalty. Autocrats surround themselves with their political cronies and lackies rather than competent people – have no way of eliciting, recognizing or assessing useful criticism. They are unwilling to hear anything negative – that leads to very bad decisions. There’s no doubt that Donald Trump was the instigator of the 2020 insurrection. But the former president’s schemes never would have gotten far (or even off the ground) without the participation of right-wing media executives, lawyers and pliant state officials. Without holding these enablers accountable, democracy and the rule of law will remain at risk.

Democracies rest on the ability of the general public to hold their elected officials accountable. But what happens when a large segment of voters knows very little about today’s policy debates or even the basic workings of American government? If voters do not understand the programs of rival candidates or their likely consequences, they cannot rationally exercise control over government. An ignorant electorate cannot achieve true democratic control over public policy. The immense size and scope of modern government makes it virtually impossible for voters to acquire sufficient knowledge to exercise such control. The problem is exacerbated by voters’ strong incentive to be “rationally ignorant” of politics. Widespread voter ignorance also incentivizes another common type of political deception: lying about the nature of your policies in order to overstate benefits and conceal possible downsides.

No one equivocates or dis-informs with greater conviction than the narcissist-politician, whose blatant disregard for facts can at times be mind-boggling. Trump’s opponents learned explaining and defending against the narcissist leaves you open to more abuse. When you address the content of what is being said and explain and defend your position, you endorse Trump’s right to judge, approve, or abuse you. Your reaction sends this message: “You have power over my self-esteem. You have the right to approve or disapprove of me. You’re entitled to be my judge.” People must appreciate how important emotions are in making decisions that impact on making a better world. People tend to overestimate their emotional intelligence – the ability to read, understand and respond to emotions in ourselves and others. Voters need to focus on the roll backs of previous progressive legislation, and not be overwhelmed by the manipulative rhetoric of the various front men for the economic elite.

Resentment as a cultural response to economic struggle has political consequences. More than half of US workers are unhappy with their jobs. The frustration you experience by not living the life you imagined is created by the resentment that the outcome of an event is less than you imagined it would be. Donald Trump, himself is a cauldron of resentment, has deeply internalized a life-time of deep resentments, and thus is able to tap into, articulate, and mobilize the resentments of his followers, in a way that Democrats and other professional politicians are able. Trump appeals to resentment that ultimately rests on economic failure: working-class whites have been left behind by soaring inequality (but they mistakenly blame emigrants taking their jobs). Donald Trump – figured out how to harness their disillusionment and growing anger – is superior to the others in exploiting the narcissism of small differences to recruit from the Republican base.

The historian Jennifer Burns has this wonderful insight when she describes Ayn Rand as ‘the ultimate gateway drug to life on the right’ – justifying a certain picture of the world is learned at a very early age, that leads them down the path to narcissism. Because the current culture gives them just enough to behave in ways that the neoliberals describe as being the ideal entrepreneur of the self, confusing freedom with imaginary lack of constraint, and so on and so forth. Republicans have captured the ideal of American individualism, and taken it to narcissistic extreme. Donald Trump’s federal indictments on the former president’s seizure of more than 300 classified documents, and his efforts to overturn 2020 election, means the American constitutional system faces a significant stress test sparked by a failed autocrat’s narcissism. Prosecutor Jack Smith can inform the jury that narcissism is a not uncommon personality feature associated with traitors and manipulators brought before American justice system.1

Social Darwinism offered a moral justification for the wild inequities and social cruelties of the late 19th century. The twentieth century America rejects social Darwinism. Thus creating the large middle class that became the core of the economy and democracy. Safety nets were built to catch Americans who fell downward through no fault of their own. Regulations were designed to protect against the inevitable excesses of free-market greed. The rich were taxed, and investments made in public goods – public schools, public universities, public transportation, public parks, public health – that made all better off. Donald Trump is running for president again, and voters are going to hear a lot about the 2017 tax cuts he signed into law. There’s also the curious fact that the tax cuts for businesses were permanent, but the tax cuts for individuals were temporary. If Trump and Republicans take over the House or Senate, or both, social Darwinism is back.

1https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/04/narcissists-who-endanger-america/673723/

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